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THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 
AND  HIS  SCHOOL 


STUDIES  IN  HISTORY,  ECONOMICS  AND  PUBLIC  LAW 

EDITED  BY  THE  FACULTY  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF 
CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  SCHOOL 


CHEN  HUAN-CHANG,  Ph.D., 

Chin  Shih  of  2455  A.  K.  ( 1904  A.  I).) 
Former  Secretary  of  the  Grand  Secretariat , 
Peking,  China 


Jfato  Hcvk 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

LONGMANS,  GREEN  & CO.,  AGENTS 
London  : P.  S.  King  & Son 

191 1 


OF  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


Volume  XLIV 


Whole  Number  112 


VOLUME  I 


n/ 


BY 


Copyright,  1911 


BY 

The  Faculty  of  Political  Science  of 
Columbia  University,  New  York 


THIS  BOOK 

AS  A TOKEN  OF  GRATITUDE  AND  AFFECTION 

I Dedicate  to  the  Memory  of  My  Father 

CHEN  CHIN-CH‘UAN 


WHO  suffered  poverty,  adversity  and 
MANY  BITTER  DISAPPOINTMENTS 
IN  ORDER  THAT  HIS  SON 
MIGHT  LEAD  THE  SCHOLAR’S  LIFE 


FOREWORD 


Dr.  Chen  Huan-chang,  the  author  of  The  Economic 
Principles  of  Confucius  and  His  School,  has  seen  some  ser- 
vice as  a mandarin  in  one  of  the  metropolitan  offices  in 
Peking;  he  is  deeply  versed  in  his  native  literature,  of  which 
the  so-called  Confucian  classics  have  occupied  him  for  many 
years;  he  is  a personal  friend  and  has  been  a pupil  of 
Kang  Yu-wei,  one  of  the  originators  of  the  modern  Chinese 
reform  movement  and  himself  a profound  connoisseur  of 
Chinese  literature.  Thus  armed,  he  came  to  New  York 
about  five  years  ago  to  study  English  and  take  courses 
in  political  economy  at  Columbia  University.  Kang  Yu- 
wei’s  moral  success  among  the  masses  of  China  was  largely 
due  to  the  fact  that,  while  being  thoroughly  convinced  of 
the  necessity  of  reform  in  social  and  political  life,  he  con- 
tinued to  be  an  eager  adherent  of  Confucian  principles. 
Dr.  Chen  proves  a disciple  worthy  of  his  great  teacher. 
His  enthusiasm  for  the  great  sage  and  his  doctrine  could 
not  be  surpassed ; western  readers  will  find  in  his  book  the 
representation  of  Confucianism  from  the  purely  Confucian- 
ist  point  of  view  by  an  author  who  is  a Confucianist  him- 
self and  has  had  the  advantage  of  sifting  his  ideas  through 
the  methods  of  western  science. 

Friedrich  Hirth, 

Professor  of  Chinese,  Columbia  University. 

New  York,  October  15,  1911. 

vii 


PREFACE 


In  presenting  the  economic  teachings  of  Confucianism, 
Dr.  Chen  has  adopted  the  same  order  of  arrangement  that 
has  become  usual  in  English  treatises  on  political  economy. 
The  danger  which  this  plan  involved  of  creating  the  im- 
pression of  a more  systematic  exposition  of  economic  prin- 
ciples than  is  to  be  found  in  the  sacred  writings,  is  much 
more  than  outweighed  by  the  large  number  of  clear  antici- 
pations of  the  accepted  economic  teachings  of  to-day  which 
it  reveals.  Incidentally  it  enables  the  author,  with  his 
wide  acquaintance  with  the  best  English  economic  litera- 
ture, to  bring  out  many  interesting  contrasts  between  Chin- 
ese civilization  and  the  civilization  of  the  Occident.  His 
discussions  of  such  institutions  as  the  family,,  marriage, 
private  property  and  the  position  of  woman  have  an  interest 
and  value  quite  apart  from  their  relation  to  the  main  pur- 
pose of  his  study. 

No  one  can  read  these  pages  without  becoming  convinced 
that  Confucianism  is  a great  economic,  as  well  as  a great 
moral  and  religious,  system  and  that  it  contains  most,  if 
not  all,  of  the  elements  necessary  to  the  solution  of  the 
serious  problems  that  confront  China  to-day.  That  these 
problems  may  be  speedily  and  happily  solved  and  that  Dr. 
Chen  may  take  the  prominent  and  distinguished  part  in  the 
reformation  of  his  country  for  which  his  high  character 
and  unusual  attainments  so  well  fit  him  is  the  earnest  hope 
of  his  American  friends. 

Henry  R.  Seager, 
Professor  of  Political  Economy. 

Columbia  University,  October  is,  1911. 


IX 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE 


The  following  treatise  includes  a discussion  of  the  eco- 
nomic principles  of  the  chief  disciples  of  Confucius  in  suc- 
cessive dynasties,  as  well  as  of  the  teachings  of  the  Master 
himself,  and,  briefly  for  purposes  of  comparison,  of  the  lead- 
ers of  other  schools,  e.  g.,  those  of  Kuan  Tzu,  Lao  Tzu,  Mo 
Tzu,  Shang  Yang,  and  Hsu  Hsing.  It  was  deemed  best  to 
combine  with  the  discussion  of  economic  theory  some  con- 
sideration of  economic  history.  Consequently  the  condi- 
tions out  of  which  the  theories  arose  and  to  which  they  were 
to  be  applied  have  usually  been  described.  The  canonical 
writings  were  taken  as  primary  sources,  and  the  historical 
writings  as  secondary.  In  connection  with  every  theory 
and  institution  considered,  the  attempt  has  been  made  to 
throw  light  upon  its  origin  and  earliest  development.  Be- 
cause of  the  wealth  of  material,  only  the  most  important 
or  most  interesting  historical  facts  since  the  Han  dynasty 
have  received  attention.  Although  some  information  in 
regard  to  conditions  in  China  to-day  is  given,  it  was  not 
thought  desirable  to  go  very  much  into  detail,  because 
these  conditions  are  in  process  of  revolutionary  change 
and  many  questions  are  still  unsettled. 

The  treatise  is,  therefore,  essentially  a study  of  the  old 
regime  in  China.  It  is  a survey  of  the  Chinese  thought 
and  Chinese  institutions  which  developed  independently  of 
the  Occident.  Although  my  arrangement  of  the  material 
follows  that  which  has  become  conventional  among  western 
writers  and  my  understanding  of  the  old  texts  was  greatly 
helped  by  western  thinkers,  I have  been  very  careful  not  to 
read  into  the  writings  of  the  ancient  Chinese  ideas  drawn 
from  modern  western  economists.  All  my  statements  are 
based  upon  the  words  or  the  spirit  of  the  words  of  the 


XI 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 


xii 

original  texts,  and  are  in  harmony  with  the  whole  system 
of  Confucius  as  revealed  by  a comparative  study  of  the 
various  sources.  In  support  of  my  interpretation  numerous 
quotations  and  references  are  given.  The  Confucian  writ- 
ings may  be  compared  to  a great  mountain  containing  rich 
mineral  resources.  I am  in  the  position  of  a miner,  ex- 
tracting a particular  ore  and  contributing  it  to  the  world’s 
production.  As  the  miner  does  not  create  the  ore  itself, 
but  through  his  labor  in  exploring,  digging  and  refining 
makes  it  available  for  human  use,  so  I have  tried  to  add 
something  to  human  knowledge.  My  task  has  been  so 
great  that  I have  doubtless  made  some  mistakes,  but  I have 
earnestly  tried  to  be  accurate  in  all  my  statements.  This 
is  the  first  attempt  to  present  the  economic  principles  of 
Confucius  and  his  school  in  a systematic  form  in  any  lan- 
guage. At  some  future  time  I intend  to  translate  this  book 
into  Chinese. 

I am  under  heavy  obligations  to  many  persons.  My 
greatest  indebtedness  is  to  Kang  Yu-wei,  my  former 
teacher,  from  whom  I obtained  a general  view  of  Confucian- 
ism. From  my  American  friends,  especially  among  the 
professors  and  students  of  Columbia  University — e.  g. 
Professors  John  Bates  Clark,  Edwin  R.  A.  Seligman, 
Friedrich  Hirth  and  Warren  B.  Catlin — I received  many 
ideas  and  secured  assistance  in  various  ways.  My  great- 
est obligations,  however,  are  to  Dr.  and  Mrs.  B.  M.  Ander- 
son, Jr.,  who  corrected  the  greater  part  of  my  manuscript; 
to  Professor  Henry  Rogers  Seager,  who  made  numerous 
suggestions  and  corrections  throughout  the  whole  book; 
and  to  Professor  Henry  Raymond  Mussey,  who  read  all 
the  proof  sheets. 

Chen  Huan-chang. 

Columbia  University,  New  York,  the  seventh  day  of  the  seventh 
month,  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-two  years  after 
Confucius,  ( August  so,  1911  A.  D.). 


CONTENTS 


VOLUME  I 

Foreword.  By  Professor  Friedrich  Hirth vii 

Preface.  By  Professor  Henry  R.  Seager. ix 

Author’s  Preface xi 

PART  I 

INTRODUCTION 

BOOK  I.  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  SCHOOL 

CHAPTER  page 

I.  Life  of  Confucius 3 

II.  The  Fundamental  Concepts  of  Confucius 15 

III.  Writings  of  Confucius  and  His  Disciples 23 

IV.  Historical  Movements  of  Confucianism 39 

BOOK  II.  RELATION  OF  ECONOMICS  TO  OTHER 
SCIENCES 

V.  Economics  and  Other  Sciences  in  General 48 

VI.  Economics  and  Sociology 52 

VII.  Economics  and  Politics 73 

VIII.  Economics  and  Ethics  94 

BOOK  III.  GENERAL  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES 

IX.  Economic  Development  as  the  Chief  Cause  of  Progress  119 

X.  Economic  Organization 139 

XI.  Economic  Policies  and  the  Divisions  of  Economics 168 

xiii 


XIV 


CONTENTS 


PART  II 

CONSUMPTION 

BOOK  IV.  CONSUMPTION 

CHAPTER  page 

XII.  General  Principles  of  Consumption 185 

XIII.  Happiness  for  Both  Rich  and  Poor 207 

XIV.  Different  Ways  of  Getting  Pleasure 216 

XV.  General  Standard  of  Expenditure 242 

XVI.  Particular  Expenditures 269 

PART  III 

PRODUCTION 

BOOK  V.  FACTORS  OF  PRODUCTION 

XVII.  Three  Factors  of  Production 293 

XVIII.  Labor — Population 297 

XIX.  Nature  and  Capital 340 


VOLUME  II 
PART  III 
PRODUCTION 

BOOK  VI.  BRANCHES  OF  PRODUCTION 

XX.  Branches  of  Production  in  General 367 

XXI.  Agriculture 380 

XXII.  Industry 398 

XXIII.  Commerce. 411 

BOOK  VII.  DISTRIBUTION 

XXIV.  General  Principles  of  Distribution:  Rent,  Interest  and 

Profits  460 

XXV.  Wages 480 


CONTENTS 


XV 


BOOK  VIII.  SOCIALISTIC  POLICIES 
CHAPTER  page 

XXVI.  The  Tsing  Tien  System 497 

XXVII.  Monopoly  534 

XXVIII.  Exclusion  of  the  Ruling  Class  from  the  Economic  Field  543 

XXIX.  Government  Control  of  Demand  and  Supply 552 

XXX.  Government  Control  of  Grain 568 

XXXI.  Government  Loans  and  Public  Relief 586 

PART  IV 

PUBLIC  FINANCE 

BOOK  IX.  PUBLIC  FINANCE 

XXXII.  Public  Expenditures 605 

XXXIII.  Taxation  in  General 621 

XXXIV.  Direct  Taxes 638 

XXXV.  Indirect  Taxes 683 

PART  V 

CONCLUSION 

XXXVI.  Conclusion 717 

Appendix  I Table  of  Chinese  Chronology 731 

Appendix  II  List  of  Authorities  in  English  and  Chinese 733 

Index 737 


PART  I 

INTRODUCTION 


BOOK  I.  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  SCHOOL 


CHAPTER  I 
Life  of  Confucius 

An  objective  attitude  toward  the  ideals  and  sages  of  one’s 
own  country  is  not  easily  to  be  attained.  There  is  a cor- 
responding difficulty  in  gaining  a sufficiently  sympathetic 
attitude  toward  the  ideals  and  sages  of  a strange  people. 
For  these  reasons  it  has  seemed  best  to  the  writer  to  under- 
take a general  estimate  of  the  worth  of  Confucius  and  of 
Confucianism  at  the  end,  rather  than  at  the  beginning, 
of  this  study.  The  reader  who  has  gone  with  him  to  the 
conclusion  can  better  judge  how  far  the  estimate  is  ob- 
jective, after  seeing  the  evidence  on  which  it  is  based;  and 
he  will  also  be  better  enabled  to  view  the  problem  sympa- 
thetically. The  words  of  a western  writer  shall,  therefore, 
serve  as  our  introduction. 

Von  der  Gabelentz  says: 

Quite  unique  is  the  position  occupied  by  him  who,  as  no 
other  man,  was  a teacher  of  his  people,  who,  I venture  to  say, 
has  become  and  continued  to  be  a ruler  of  his  people,  the 
Sage  of  the  family  K'ung  in  the  State  of  Lu,  whom  we  know 
by  the  name  of  Confucius.  Unique  is  his  position,  not  only 
in  the  history  of  philosophy,  but  also  in  the  history  of  man- 
kind. For  there  is  hardly  any  other  man  who,  like  Confu- 
cius, incorporated  in  his  own  person  all  the  constituent  ele- 
ments of  the  Chinese  type  and  all  that  is  eternal  in  his  people’s 

3 


4 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


being.  If  we  are  to  measure  the  greatness  of  an  historic  per- 
sonage, I can  see  only  one  standard  applicable  for  the  pur- 
pose : the  effectiveness  of  that  person’s  influence  according  to 
its  dimensions,  duration,  and  intensity.  If  this  standard  be 
applied,  Confucius  was  one  of  the  greatest  of  men.  For  even 
at  the  present  day,  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  two  thousand 
years,  the  moral,  social,  and  political  life  of  about  one-third 
of  mankind  continues  to  be  under  the  full  influence  of  his 
mind.1 

Confucius  has  indeed  been  the  maker  of  the  Chinese  peo- 
ple, but  he  himself  did  not  spring  from  an  uncivilized  world. 
The  date  of  the  beginning  of  Chinese  history  is  unknown, 
but  it  is  certain  that  China  has  existed  as  a nation  for  at 
least  six  thousand  years.  The  first  legendary  emperor, 
Pao  Hsi,  or  Fu  Hsi,  is  placed  2402  years  before  the  Con- 
fucian  era  (2953-2839  B.  C.).  After  the  period  of  the  Five 
Emperors,  came  the  period  of  the  Three  Kings  of  as  many 
dynasties,  and  it  was  during  the  Chou  dynasty,  the  last  of 
these  three,  that  Chinese  civilization  reached  maturity.  It 
was  after  long  periods  of  so-called  sage  rulers  who  were 
regarded  as  the  heads  of  both  religion  and  government,  at 
the  highest  development  of  Chinese  civilization  under  the 
Chou  dynasty,  and  in  the  most  cultured  state  of  the  Duke 
of  Chou,  that  Confucius  appeared.  Confucianism,  the  new 
religion  founded  by  Confucius,  is  therefore  not  the  religion 
of  a primitive  tribe,  but  the  religion  of  a civilized  people. 

While  this  was  the  general  stage  of  development  preced- 
ing the  advent  of  Confucius,  it  must  not  be  imagined  that 
actual  conditions  during  his  time  were  so  perfect  as  to  make 
the  work  of  a reformer  unnecessary.  The  age  of  Con- 
fucius was  quite  remote  from  that  of  the  sage  rulers.  With 

1 Confucius  und  seine  Lehre,  p.  4 et  seq.,  quoted  in  Friedrich  Hirth’s 
The  Ancient  History  of  China,  pp.  242-3. 


LIFE  OF  CONFUCIUS 


5 


the  beginning  of  Ping  Wang’s  reign  (219  B.  K.1  or  770  B. 
C.),  the  Chou  dynasty  had  practically  fallen,  and  all  the 
emperors  of  the  Eastern  Chou  line  were  without  real  power. 
It  was  the  age  of  feudalism.  Each  feudal  estate  was  an  in- 
dependent nation,  each  prince  of  each  nation  fought  for  its 
supremacy,  and  the  power  of  the  princes  was  greater  than 
that  of  the  emperor.  During  Confucius’  time,  the  power  of 
the  prince  in  each  state  had  generally  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  a few  noble  families,  and  the  government  had  become  a 
form  of  oligarchy.  Sometimes  the  private  officials  of  these 
families  took  public  affairs  into  their  own  hands.  The  con- 
fusion and  disorder  brought  about  by  the  ruling  class  ex- 
tended over  the  whole  empire,  while  the  common  people, 
who  were  not  sufficiently  educated  to  help  themselves,  were 
entirely  neglected. 

Although  the  great  mass  of  the  people  in  Confucius’  time 
was  uneducated,  there  was  a middle  class  which  had  edu- 
cated itself.  Since  China  had  been  civilized  for  so  long  a 
time,  the  people  were  naturally  developed  to  some  extent. 
During  the  period  of  the  Eastern  Chou  dynasty,  although 
the  power  of  the  imperial  government  declined,  the  intel- 
lectual growth  of  the  people  increased.  The  greater  im- 
portance acquired  by  the  different  independent  states  with 
the  diminishing  power  of  the  emperor  gave  rise  to  much 
peaceful  diplomatic  intercourse  as  well  as  to  many  hostile 
military  expeditions,  and  these  forms  of  contact  had  an  edu- 
cative influence  upon  a considerable  class  of  the  people. 
Further,  as  the  political  power  was  shifting  from  class  to 
class  and  from  person  to  person  within  each  state,  some 
noble  families  had  been  ruined,  and  some  common  people 
had  risen.  Thus  the  profession  of  learning  was  also  shifted 

1 We  use  the  forms  B.  K.  and  A.  K.  to  avoid  confusion  with  the  C. 
in  the  western  chronology,  as  in  B.  C.  The  Chinese  form  of  the 
name,  Confucius,  is  K'ung  Fu  Tzu. 


6 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


and  more  widely  diffused.  Moreover,  in  such  a struggle, 
every  one  had  absolute  freedom  of  movement  and  of  speech. 
It  was  a condition  very  favorable  to  the  development  of  the 
minds  of  the  people. 

Such  was  the  time  in  which  Confucius  was  born.  But 
the  birthplace  of  Confucius  was  no  less  important  than  his 
time.  His  family  had  settled  in  the  state  of  Lu,  which  was 
the  state  of  the  Duke  of  Chou.  As  the  Duke  himself  re- 
mained with  the  imperial  government,  he  gave  the  admin- 
istration of  his  estate  over  to  his  son,  who  conducted  it  ac- 
cording to  his  father’s  principles  and  under  his  direction. 
Lu  had  become  the  center  of  Chinese  civilization.  About 
Confucius’  time,  Lu,  although  subordinate  to  the  great  states 
in  military  force,  was  supreme  in  art,  literature,  philosophy 
and  morality. 

Among  Confucius’  ancestors  was  Ch'eng  T'ang,  the 
founder  of  the  Yin  dynasty  (1215-1203  B.  K.  or  1766-1754 
B.  C.).  After  the  fall  of  this  dynasty,  Wei  Tzu,  brother 
of  the  fallen  emperor,  was  enfeoffed  by  Chou  Ch'eng  Wang 
in  the  dukedom  of  Sung.  The  tenth  ancestor  of  Confucius 
resigned  his  dukedom  to  his  younger  brother,  and  thus  it 
passed  out  of  the  direct  line  of  Confucius.  Five  genera- 
tions later,  K‘ung-fu  Chia.  the  sixth  ancestor  of  Confucius, 
invented  the  surname  of  K'ung  from  his  adult  designation 
indicating  separation  from  the  house  of  the  duke  in  con- 
formity with  the  ancient  custom.  On  account  of  some 
political  trouble,  the  great-grandfather  of  Confucius  fled 
from  Sung  to  the  state  of  Lu,  and  became  mayor  in  the  city 
of  Fang.  Confucius’  father,  Shu-liang  Ho,  was  mayor  in 
the  city  of  Tsou,  and  distinguished  himself  as  a brave  soldier. 
Since  on  reaching  the  age  of  sixty-four  he  had  no  heir  who 
could  be  his  successor,  he  was  obliged  to  marry  a young 
girl,  Yen  Cheng-tsai,  who  became  the  mother  of  Confucius. 

The  year  of  Confucius’  birth,  according  to  the  Coinmen- 


LIFE  OF  CONFUCIUS 


7 


taries  of  Kung-yang  and  Ku-liang,  was  the  twentieth  year 
of  Chou  Ling  Wang’s  reign  (552  B.  C.)  ; but  the  beginning 
of  the  Confucian  era  is  dated  one  year  later  (551  B.  C.) 
on  account  of  a mistake  made  by  Ssu-ma  Chien,  the  greatest 
historian.1  His  birthday,  according  to  the  present  Chinese 
calendar,  is  the  twenty-first  day  of  the  eighth  month.  His 
birthplace  is  in  the  present  district  of  K'iihfeu,  Shantung 
province.  K‘ung  was  his  family  name;  Ch‘iu,  his  personal 
name;  and  Chung-ni,  his  adult  designation.  The  word  Con- 
fucius has  come  from  three  Chinese  words,  K‘ung  Fu  Tzu, 
Fu  Tzii  meaning  master. 

Confucius  was  powerful  in  body  and  keen  in  mind.  He 
studied  under  many  masters  and  in  many  places,  becoming 
a many-sided  and  versatile  man. 

The  greatest  service  of  Confucius  to  his  contemporaries 
was  as  a teacher.  Opening  his  school  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
two,2  he  taught  continuously  to  the  time  of  his  death.  When 
he  was  thirty-five,  a noble  of  one  of  the  leading  families  of 
Lu,  on  his  death-bed,  ordered  his  two  sons,  Meng  Yi-tzu 
and  Nan-kung  Ching-shu,  to  become  pupils  of  Confucius, 
and  these  two  noble  pupils  undoubtedly  increased  his  influ- 
ence. When  at  this  time  he  wished  to  visit  the  imperial 
capital,  Nan-kung  Ching-shu  advised  the  Marquis  of  Lu 
to  furnish  a carriage,  two  horses  and  a servant  for  him,  and 
himself  accompanied  his  teacher.  During  this  visit  a very 
significant  interview  occurred  between  Confucius  and  Lao 
Tzu,  the  earliest  philosopher  of  the  Chou  dynasty,  then 
keeper  of  the  imperial  archives,  and  later  regarded  as  the 
founder  of  Taoism.  Confucius  consulted  this  learned  man 
concerning  the  rites,  questioned  Chang  Hung,  a high  im- 

1 He  began  to  write  the  Historical  Record  in  448,  and  finished  it  in 
455  (104-97  B.  C.). 

2 Canonical  Interpretation  of  the  Ts‘ing  Dynasty,  vol.  xxxiii,  ch.  i. 


8 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

perial  officer,  about  music,  and  studied  many  other  things. 
After  his  return  home,  his  pupils  increased  in  number. 

One  year  later,  on  account  of  a civil  war,  Confucius  went 
to  the  neighboring  state  of  Ch‘i.  The  Marquis  of  Ch‘i  wished 
to  confer  upon  him  a territory,  but  this  was  objected  to  by 
a courtier  named  An  Tzu.  As  he  could  not  hold  a good 
office  there,  Confucius  returned,  at  the  age  of  forty-two,  to 
Lu. 

After  his  return,  he  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  teach- 
ing and  writing  for  a period  of  ten  years.  At  forty-eight, 
he  prepared  the  Canons  of  Poetry,  of  History,  of  Rites  and 
of  Music.  Many  pupils  now  came  to  him  from  remote  re- 
gions. But  he  was  so  anxious  to  secure  political  power  in 
order  to  reform  the  Chinese  world  that  he  even  considered 
accepting  the  invitations  of  the  rebels.  At  fifty-one,  when 
Kung-shan  Fu-jao,  who  held  the  city  of  Fei  in  rebellion 
against  the  minister  of  Lu,  invited  him  to  come,  Confucius 
was  disposed  to  comply.  He  said  that  if  any  one  would 
employ  him,  he  might  create  a new  dynasty  of  Chou  in 
the  East.1  Ten  years  later,  at  sixty-one,  he  also  considered 
accepting  the  invitation  of  Pi  Hsi,  who  rebelled  with  the 
city  of  Chung-mou  against  the  minister  of  Tsin.2  Although 
he  did  not  go  to  see  these  two  rebels  at  all  and  refused  their 
invitations,  it  is  clear  that  his  love  and  faith  were  directed 
much  more  toward  the  general  public  than  toward  any  per- 
sonal ruler. 

The  political  career  of  Confucius,  although  not  an  im- 
portant part  of  his  life,  is  proof  of  his  practical  talents.  At 
fifty-two,  he  was  appointed  magistrate  of  the  city  of  Chung- 
tu  by  the  Marquis  of  Lu.  His  administration  was  very  suc- 
cessful, and  the  princes  of  neighboring  states  took  it  as  a 

1 The  Chinese  Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  319-20. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  321. 


LIFE  OF  CONFUCIUS 


9 


model.1  At  fifty-three,  the  Marquis  appointed  him  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  and  then  Minister  of  Justice.  A courtier 
of  the  state  of  Ch‘i,  which  was  jealous  of  its  neighbor  Lu, 
warned  his  prince  that  the  increasing  influence  of  the  latter 
state  under  the  administration  of  Confucius  would  endanger 
the  balance  of  power.  His  prince,  therefore,  invited  the 
Marquis  of  Lu  to  come  to  a friendly  meeting  in  order  to 
catch  him  and  make  him  prisoner.  Confucius  accompanied 
his  prince  as  substitute  for  the  prime  minister.  He  defeated 
the  treacherous  plot  through  his  speeches  and  through  a 
show  of  military  force,  so  that  Ch‘i  was  obliged  to  apologize 
and  as  a mark  of  friendship  to  restore  the  former  conquests 
which  it  had  made  from  Lu.  At  fifty-five,  Confucius 
strengthened  the  ruling  house  by  having  the  walls  of  the 
cities  of  the  noble  families  pulled  down.  Reaching  the 
height  of  civil  greatness,  he  became,  at  fifty-six,  the  acting 
prime  minister.  Within  seven  days,  he  ordered  the  execu- 
tion of  a great  demagogue,  Shao-cheng  Mao,  as  being  dan- 
gerous to  the  public  welfare.  Within  three  months,  his 
moral  influence  prevailed  over  the  whole  state.  But  the 
neighboring  countries  began  to  fear  that  under  Confucius’ 
reformation,  Lu  would  overtop  and  subdue  them  all.  To 
prevent  this,  the  Marquis  of  Ch‘i,  above  referred  to,  sent 
eighty  beautiful  dancing  girls  and  one  hundred  and  twenty 
fine  horses  as  a gift  to  the  prince  of  Lu  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  about  a separation  between  him  and  Confucius. 
The  result  was  the  demoralization  of  the  government,  as 
both  the  prince  and  the  real  prime  minister  neglected  their 
duties.  Confucius  lost  his  influence,  and  soon  left  his  native 
country  for  travel. 

Confucius’  travels  were  in  the  nature  of  missionary  work. 
He  aimed  to  establish  his  kingdom  in  the  actual  present 

1 Cf.  the  Historical  Record , ch.  xlvii,  on  which  this  chapter  is  based. 


IO 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


world  through  the  influence  of  a government.  He  was  not 
a narrow  patriot.  He  presented  himself  for  official  employ- 
ment before  seventy-two  princes,  and  even  in  the  barbaric 
state  of  Ch‘u.  But  he  was  not  able  in  any  case  to  realize 
his  purpose.  He  was  satirized  by  many  of  his  contempor- 
aries who  felt  the  world  to  be  evil  and  kept  aloof  from  it. 
Confucius’  declaration  is  at  once  sane  and  pathetic:  “The 
bird  and  beast,”  said  he  sorrowfully,  “ cannot  be  in  the 
same  society  with  us.  If  I do  not  associate  with  my  fellow- 
men,  with  whom  shall  I associate?  Had  the  world  been 
perfect,  I would  not  care  to  change  it ! ” 1 This  was  the 
spirit  of  Confucius:  to  love  the  world,  to  serve  the  world, 
and  to  busy  himself  restlessly  in  his  mission. 

Upon  four  different  occasions  during  his  travels,  his  life 
was  placed  in  jeopardy.  First,  at  fifty-seven,  he  was  im- 
prisoned by  the  people  of  the  city  of  K‘uang  for  five  days. 
His  pupils  were  fearful,  but  he  said:  “After  the  death  of 
Wen  Wang,  was  hot  the  cause  of  truth  lodged  here  in  me? 
If  God  had  wished  to  let  this  cause  of  truth  perish,  then  I, 
his  successor  who  later  must  die,  should  not  have  been 
placed  in  such  a relation  to  that  cause.  But  so  long  as  God 
does  not  let  the  cause  of  truth  perish,  what  can  the  people 
of  K'uang  do  to  me?”2  Again,  at  fifty-eight,  when  with 
his  pupils  he  was  performing  religious  ceremonies  under  the 
shade  of  a large  tree,  Htian  Tui,  the  minister  of  war  of  the 
state  of  Sung,  who  wished  to  kill  him,  had  the  tree  cut 
down.  Then  his  pupils  warned  him  to  go  away  at  once. 
“ God  has  produced,”  said  he.  “ the  virtue  that  is  in  me. 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  334. 

2 Confucius  here  indentifies  himself  with  the  line  of  the  great  sage 
rulers  to  whom  God  had  intrusted  the  instruction  of  men.  In  all  the 
six  centuries  between  himself  and  Wen  Wang  (673-584  B.  K.),  he  does 
not  admit  of  such  another.  Ibid.,  pp.  217-8. 


LIFE  OF  CONFUCIUS 


II 


What  can  Huan  Tui  do  to  me?”1  It  is  clear  that  he  felt 
that  God  had  committed  to  him  the  right  way,  and  that  he 
bore  a charmed  life  until  his  work  was  done.  Again,  at 
fifty-nine,  he  was  stopped  by  the  rebels  in  the  city  of  Po. 
But  one  of  his  pupils,  Kung-liang  Yu,  who  was  following 
his  master  with  five  private  chariots,  fought  bravely  for 
him,  and  he  was  allowed  to  proceed.  Once  more,  at  sixty- 
four,  he  was  surrounded  by  the  officials  of  the  states  of 
Chen  and  Tsai.  He  was  without  food  for  seven  days,  and 
his  pupils  were  so  sick  as  to  be  unable  to  rise.  But  he  never 
stopped  preaching,  reading,  playing  on  the  harp  and  sing- 
ing. Finally  he  was  rescued  by  the  military  force  of  the 
state  of  Ch‘u. 

When  he  arrived  at  Ch‘u,  the  king  wished  to  confer 
upon  him  a territory  of  seven  hundred  square  miles.  But 
the  prime  minister  objected,  because  he  feared  Confucius’ 
power  and  virtues,  saying  that  the  latter’s  pupils  were  much 
better  than  any  of  their  own  officials,  and  that  if  Confucius 
could  occupy  any  territory,  he  himself  would  eventually  be 
a real  king  and  this  would  not  be  good  for  their  state. 

Having  spent  fourteen  years  in  traveling  abroad,  Con- 
fucius was  now,  at  sixty-nine,  called  back  by  the  government 
of  his  native  state.  But  the  government  did  not  finally  em- 
ploy him,  and  he  himself  at  this  period  had  no  desire  to 
be  employed.  About  this  time,  his  son  died;  his  wife  had 
died  two  years  previously. 

Confucius  was  destined,  however,  not  chiefly  to  serve 
his  own  immediate  period,  but  to  influence  endless  ages  of 
the  future.  He  now  spent  all  his  time  in  writing,  and  this 
was,  in  the  final  analysis,  his  greatest  work.  As  he  had  at 
the  age  of  forty-eight  already  prepared  the  greater  part  of 
the  Canons  of  Poetry,  of  History,  of  Rites,  and  of  Music, 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  202. 


12 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


he  now  finished  them,  and  also  the  Canon  of  Changes.  The 
Spring  and  Autumn  was  written  at  the  age  of  seventy-two. 

What  he  wrote  was  very  much  the  same  as  what  he  was 
teaching  to  his  three  thousand  pupils,  particularly  the  Can- 
ons of  Poetry,  History,  Rites  and  Music.  Those  who  grad- 
uated in  the  six  arts — rites,  music,  archery,  charioteering, 
writing  and  mathematics — which  were  all  prescribed  courses 
for  each  person,  were  seventy-two  in  number.  His  best  stu- 
dents were  those  who  specialized  in  morality,  oratory,  poli- 
tics and  literature.  There  were  many  special  students. 
Therefore,  the  number  of  his  followers  amounted  to  sixty 
thousand. 

Confucius  was  already  an  old  man  when  he  finished  his 
writings ; they  were  the  product  of  his  most  mature  wisdom. 
He  now  felt  that  his  work  was  done.  One  morning,  he  got 
up  early,  and  as  he  walked  back  and  forth  before  his  door 
with  his  hands  behind  his  back  dragging  his  staff,  he  sang 
the  following  words: 

The  Tai  Mountain  must  crumble! 

The  strongest  beam  must  break ! 

The  wisest  man  must  fade ! 

Seven  days  later,  the  death  of  “ The  Perfect  Holy  Man  ” 
took  place.1  He  was  seventy-four  years  old  (479  B.  C.). 

The  highest  honors  were  bestowed  upon  him  after  his 
death.  The  Marquis  of  Lu  came  to  pass  eulogy  upon  him. 
He  was  buried  in  what  is  now  called  the  Forest  of  KTing, 
to  which  the  trees  were  originally  brought  from  different 
states  by  his  pupils.  His  pupils  stayed  there  until  the  end 
of  three  years’  mourning,  but  Tzu-kung  (his  pupil)  alone 
built  a house  near  his  tomb  and  lived  there  for  three  years 
more.  Some  of  his  pupils  and  some  of  the  people  of  Lu, 

1 According  to  the  present  Chinese  calendar,  the  corresponding  date 
is  the  eleventh  day  of  the  second  month. 


LIFE  OF  CONFUCIUS 


13 


more  than  one  hundred  families  in  all,  moved  to  the  vicinity 
of  his  tomb  and  formed  what  was  called  the  Village  of 
K'ung.  The  people  sacrificed  to  his  tomb  for  many  genera- 
tions, and  the  Confucian  scholars  also  practised  different 
ceremonies  about  it.  His  house  was  then  converted  into  a 
temple  in  which  his  clothes,  hats,  harp,  carriage  and  books 
were  stored.  The  first  emperor  who  came  to  worship  him 
was  Han  Kao  Ti  (357  A.  K.  or  195  B.  C.).  When  new 
princes  and  governors  first  came  to  the  state,  they  always 
worshiped  him  before  they  took  up  their  official  duties. 
Since  504  A.  K.  the  descendants  of  Confucius  have  been  a 
permanent  nobility.  The  present  duke  of  his  descendants 
is  in  the  seventy-sixth  generation  from  him.  In  610  A.  K. 
(59  A.  D.),  Han  Ming  Ti  first  ordered  the  Imperial  Uni- 
versity and  all  the  government  schools  in  each  district  to 
worship  Confucius.  Since  that  time  the  school  houses  have 
been  at  the  same  time  Confucian  churches,  and  they  have 
been  established  throughout  the  whole  empire. 

In  conclusion,  then,  we  may  say  that  Confucius  was  a 
great  philosopher,  a great  educator,  a great  statesman,  and  a 
great  musician ; but,  above  all,  that  he  was  the  founder  of  a 
great  religion.  This  is  well  stated  by  Tzu-kung  when  he 
says:  “Certainly  God  has  endowed  him  unlimitedly  as  a 
great  sage,  and,  moreover,  his  ability  is  various.”  1 Yu  Jo, 
pupil  of  Confucius,  said,  “ From  the  birth  of  mankind  till 
now,  there  never  has  been  one  so  complete  as  Confucius,” 
and  the  same  statement  is  also  given  by  Tzu-kung  and 
Mencius  (180-263  A.  K.  or  372-289  B.  C.).2  In  the  Ana- 
lects,3 Confucius,  by  tacit  implication,  compares  himself  with 
God,  and  in  the  “ Doctrine  of  the  Mean,”  4 Confucius  is 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  218. 

2 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  194-6. 

3 Classics,  vol.  ir  p.  326. 

* Ibid.,  p.  429. 


14 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


called  “ the  equal  of  God  The  Chinese  worship  him  not 
from  any  superstitious  idea,  but  on  the  philosophical  ground 
that  “ the  individual  possessed  of  the  most  complete  sincerity 
is  regarded  as  divine  ”, 1 and  that  “ when  the  sage  is  beyond 
our  knowledge,  he  is  what  is  called  divine.”  2 Although 
Confucius  died  about  twenty-five  centuries  ago,  the  Chinese 
believe  that  his  fundamental  teachings  will  remain  true  for- 
ever. This  is  because,  on  the  one  hand,  the  teachings,  based 
on  the  doctrine  of  the  mean,  never  go  to  extremes ; and  on 
the  other,  being  subject  to  the  doctrine  of  changes,  they 
easily  adapt  themselves  to  the  environment.  Confucius  is 
called  by  Mencius  “ The  Sage  of  Times  ”.  In  fact,  the 
teachings  of  Confucius  are  based  on  the  nature  of  man,3 
and  as  long  as  we  are  human  beings,  no  matter  in  what  age 
or  in  what  region  we  may  live,  we  can  learn  from  him. 
Hence,  the  Chinese  believe  that  there  has  been  no  other  man 
so  great  as  Confucius. 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  418. 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  490. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  393. 


CHAPTER  II 


The  Fundamental  Concepts  of  Confucius 

Having  reviewed  the  more  important  facts  of  Confucius’ 
life,  we  pass  now  to  the  fundamental  concepts  of  the  whole 
Confucian  philosophy.  There  are  two  general  classes  of 
these  concepts,  one  class  based  on  the  law  of  variety,  and  the 
other  on  the  law  of  unity ; the  one,  changeable  with  the  needs 
of  the  times,  the  other  unchangeable,  rooted  in  the  nature 
of  man.  Of  the  first  type  are  the  principle  of  the  Three  Sys- 
tems and  the  principle  of  the  Three  Stages ; of  the  second  is 
the  principle  of  love,  which  is  to  be  practised  on  the  basis  of 
reciprocity. 

I.  THE  THREE  SYSTEMS 

Confucius  is  like  a great  physician,  and  his  teachings  are 
like  prescriptions.  Just  as  the  great  physician  never  gives 
a single  kind  of  medicine  as  a remedy  for  all  diseases,  so 
Confucius  never  gives  a single  form  of  teaching  as  the  law 
of  all  ages.  In  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  he  sets  forth  the 
principle  of  the  Three  Systems,  and  we  meet  this  principle 
in  all  his  writings.  The  Three  Systems  are  represented  by 
the  Three  Dynasties,  Hsia,  Yin  and  Chou,  and  he  makes 
everything  in  three  different  forms.  For  example,  the  new 
year  begins  with  either  the  first  month,  or  the  second,  or  the 
third ; the  new  day  begins  either  in  the  morning,  or  in  the 
middle  between  morning  and  midnight,  or  at  midnight ; the 
principal  color  is  either  black,  or  white,  or  red.  There  is 
not  a certain  form,  but  the  one  is  as  good  as  the  others. 
Hence  the  principles  of  the  Three  Dynasties  are  as  in  a cycle, 

15 


1 6 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


— the  one  succeeds  the  other,  whenever  the  former  principle 
does  not  work  well.  The  fundamental  concept  is  that  all 
human  civilization  and  social  life  are  necessarily  changed  in 
order  to  reform  the  evil  of  the  past  and  meet  the  need  of 
the  present.  Any  good  thing  must  come  to  a period  of 
decay  and  become  an  evil.  Civilization  may  run  through  a 
long  course  to  the  original  principle  and  then  start  again, 
although  such  a principle  may  not  take  exactly  the  original 
form.  Or,  in  different  places,  different  civilizations  and  in- 
stitutions may  exist  at  the  same  time. 

II.  THE  THREE  STAGES 

A principle  more  important  than  the  Three  Systems  is  the 
Three  Stages.  In  the  first  of  these,  the  Disorderly  Stage, 
primitive  civilization  is  just  arising  from  chaos,  and  the 
social  mind  is  still  very  rude.  There  is  a sharp  distinction 
between  one’s  own  country  and  all  other  civilized  countries. 
Hence  attention  is  paid  more  to  conditions  at  home  than 
abroad,  and,  except  the  great  powers,  the  small  countries 
are  neglected.  In  the  second,  the  Advancing  Peace  Stage, 
there  is  a distinction  only  between  all  the  civilized  coun- 
tries and  the  barbarians.  The  limit  of  civilization  is 
broader,  and  the  friendship  of  nations  is  closer;  by  the  equal 
right,  even  the  small  countries  can  have  their  representatives. 
In  the  third,  the  Extreme  Peace  Stage,  there  is  no  dis- 
tinction at  all.  The  barbarians  become  civilized  countries, 
and  obtain  the  same  title  in  the  diplomatic  circle.  Whether 
the  nations  are  remote  or  near,  small  or  great,  the  whole 
world  is  as  one  unit,  and  the  character  of  mankind  is  on 
the  highest  plane. 

The  principle  of  the  Three  Stages,  illustrated  by  the  inter- 
national relation,  is  established  in  the  Spring  and  Autumn.1 

1 It  is  very  strange  that  Professor  James  Legge  apparently  does  not 
know  the  international  view  of  Confucius  at  all.  He  says : “ Confucius 


FUNDAMENTAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CONFUCIUS 


1 7 


But  we  can  find  this  principle  in  all  Confucius’  writings, 
whatever  the  subject.  For  example,  in  politics,  despotism, 
constitutionalism  and  anarchism  are  three  stages;  in  re- 
ligion, polytheism,  monism  and  atheism  are  three  stages. 
The  three  stages  can  be  subdivided  into  nine,  eighty-one, 
and  so  on.  It  is  simply  the  theory  of  progress,  or  evolution. 
But  we  must  remember  this  principle  in  order  to  understand 
that  the  teachings  of  Confucius,  although  sometimes  appar- 
ently inconsistent,  are  all  fitted  to  different  stages,  and  that 
we  must  not  make  the  mistake  of  applying  the  theories  of 
the  low  stage  to  the  advanced  stage. 

The  Advancing  Peace  Stage  is  also  called  the  Small  Tran- 
quillity, and  the  Extreme  Peace  Stage,  the  Great  Similarity. 
The  marked  difference  between  these  two  stages  is  described 
by  Confucius  himself.  It  is  a most  important  passage,  and 

makes  no  provision  for  the  intercourse  of  his  country  with  other  and  in- 
dependent nations.  He  knew  indeed  of  none  such.  China  was  to  him 
‘The  Middle  Kingdom,’  ‘The  multitude  of  Great  States,’  ‘All  under 
Heaven.’  Beyond  it  were  only  rude  and  barbarous  tribes.”  ( Chinese 
Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  107-8.)  This  statement  is  quite  misleading.  Con- 
fucius has  made  many  provisions  for  the  intercourse  of  his  country 
with  other  and  independent  nations ; and  we  can  compile  the  Inter- 
national Law  of  Confucius  even  from  the  Spring  and  Autumn  only. 
In  Confucius’  time,  China  was  divided  up  into  many  nations.  The  num- 
ber of  leading  nations  was  twelve,  and  the  total  number  of  nations 
was  over  one  hundred.  Therefore,  his  country  was  not  China,  but  Lu. 
Since  Lu  had  intercourse  continuously  with  other  and  independent 
nations,  why  should  Confucius  know  nothing  about  them?  These 
nations  were  called  “ The  multitude  of  Great  States  ” and  “ The  Middle 
Kingdom.”  This  was  the  international  society,  and  the  term  Middle 
Kingdom  was  like  the  term  Christendom.  Beyond  this,  there  were  at 
this  time  only  rude  and  barbarous  tribes,  so  far  as  the  Chinese  knew. 
This  was  the  condition  under  which  Confucius  lived.  By  the  term 
“All  under  Heaven,”  however,  Confucius  really  meant  the  whole  world, 
and  it  included  not  only  the  multitude  of  great  states,  but  also  all  the 
barbarous  tribes.  Although  it  was  sometimes  used  to  cover  only  the 
Chinese  world,  such  a term,  everyone  can  see,  could  never  mean  a 
national  state.  In  fact,  Confucius  always  keeps  the  whole  world  in 
his  mind. 


1 8 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


we  must  quote  it  fully.  In  the  “ Evolution  of  Civilization,” 
Confucius  says: 

When  the  Great  Principle  [of  the  Great  Similarity]  prevails,  the 
whole  world  becomes  a republic ; they  elect  men  of  talents,  vir- 
tue, and  ability ; they  talk  about  sincere  agreement,  and  cultivate 
universal  peace.  Thus  men  do  not  regard  as  their  parents  only 
their  own  parents,  nor  treat  as  their  children  only  their  own 
children.  A competent  provision  is  secured  for  the  aged  till  their 
death,  employment  for  the  middle-aged,  and  the  means  of  grow- 
ing up  to  the  young.  The  widowers,  widows,  orphans,  childless 
men,  and  those  who  are  disabled  by  disease,  are  all  sufficiently 
maintained.  Each  man  has  his  rights,  and  each  woman  her 
individuality  safe-guarded.  They  produce  wealth,  disliking 
that  it  should  be  thrown  away  upon  the  ground,  but  not  wish- 
ing to  keep  it  for  their  own  gratification.  Disliking  idle- 
ness, they  labor,  but  not  alone  with  a view  to  their  own  ad- 
vantage. In  this  way  selfish  schemings  are  repressed  and  find 
no  way  to  arise.  Robbers,  filchers  and  rebellious  traitors  do 
not  exist.  Hence  the  outer  doors  remain  open,  and  are  not 
shut.  This  is  the  stage  of  what  I call  the  Great  Similarity. 

Now  that  the  Great  Principle  has  not  yet  been  developed,  the 
world  is  inherited  through  family.  Each  one  regards  as  his 
parents  only  his  own  parents,  and  treats  as  his  children  only  his 
own  children.  The  wealth  of  each  and  his  labor  are  only  for  his 
self-interest.  Great  men  imagine  it  is  the  rule  that  their  estates 
should  descend  in  their  own  families.  Their  object  is  to  make 
the  walls  of  their  cities  and  suburbs  strong  and  their  ditches 
and  moats  secure.  Rites  and  justice  are  regarded  as  the  threads 
by  which  they  seek  to  maintain  in  its  correctness  the  relation 
between  ruler  and  minister ; in  its  generous  regard  that  be- 
tween father  and  son ; in  its  harmony  that  between  elder 
brother  and  younger ; and  in  a community  of  sentiment  that 
between  husband  and  wife;  and  in  accordance  with  them  they 
regulate  consumption,  distribute  land  and  dwellings,  distin- 
guish the  men  of  military  ability  and  cunning,  and  achieve 
their  work  with  a view  to  their  own  advantage.  Thus  it  is 


FUNDAMENTAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CONFUCIUS 


19 


that  selfish  schemes  and  enterprises  are  constantly  taking  their 
rise,  and  war  is  inevitably  forthcoming.  In  this  course  of 
rites  and  justice,  Yii,  T‘ang,  Wen,  Wu,  Ch‘eng  Wang  and  the 
Duke  of  Chou  are  the  best  examples  of  good  government.  Of 
these  six  superior  men,  every  one  was  attentive  to  the 
rites,  thus  to  secure  the  display  of  justice,  the  realization  of 
sincerity,  the  exhibition  of  errors,  the  exemplification  of 
benevolence,  and  the  discussion  of  courtesy,  showing  the  people 
all  the  constant  virtues.  If  any  ruler,  having  power  and  posi- 
tion, would  not  follow  this  course,  he  should  be  driven  away 
by  the  multitude  who  regard  him  as  a public  enemy.  This 
is  the  stage  of  what  I call  the  Small  Tranquillity.1 

This  is  the  most  important  statement  of  all  Confucius’ 
teachings.  The  stage  of  Great  Similarity  or  Extreme  Peace 
is  the  final  aim  of  Confucius;  it  is  the  golden  age  of  Con- 
fucianism. If  we  make  a comparison  between  the  Great 
Similarity  and  the  Small  Tranquillity,  we  may  get  a clear 
view.  Every  one  knows  that  Confucianism  has  five  social 
relations  and  five  moral  constants:  ruler  and  subject,  father 
and  son,  elder  and  younger  brothers,  husband  and  wife, 
friend  and  friend,  make  up  the  five  social  relations;  love, 
justice,  rite,  wisdom  and  sincerity,  make  up  the  five  moral 
constants.  But,  according  to  the  statement  of  Confucius 
himself,  they  belong  only  to  the  Small  Tranquillity.  Every 
one  knows  that  Confucianism  is  in  favor  of  monarchical 
government  and  of  filial  piety.  But  they  are  good  only  in 
the  Small  Tranquillity.  In  the  Great  Similarity,  the  whole 
world  is  the  only  social  organization,  and  the  individual  is 
the  independent  unit;  both  socialistic  and  individualistic 
characters  reach  the  highest  point.  There  is  no  national 
state,  so  that  there  is  no  war,  no  need  of  defence,  nor  of 
men  of  military  ability  and  cunning.  Men  of  talents,  virtue, 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  pp.  365-7.  “ The  exhibition  of  errors  ” refers  to  wis- 
dom. and  “the  discussion  of  courtesy”  to  rites. 


20 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


and  ability  are  chosen  by  the  people,  so  that  the  people  them- 
selves are  the  sovereign,  and  the  relation  between  ruler  and 
subject  does  not  exist.  Man  and  woman  are  not  bound 
by  the  tie  of  marriage,  so  that  the  relations  between 
husband  and  wife,  between  father  and  son  and  between 
brothers,  do  not  exist.  The  only  relation  that  remains  is 
friendship.  There  is  no  family,  so  that  there  is  no  inheri- 
tance, no  private  property,  no  selfish  scheme.  There  is  no 
class,  so  that  the  only  classification  is  made  either  by  age 
or  by  sex;  but  whether  old,  middle-aged,  or  young,  whether 
man  or  woman,  each  satisfies  his  needs.  The  Great  Prin- 
ciple of  the  Great  Similarity  prevails,  so  that  everyone  is 
naturally  as  good  as  every  one  else  and  the  distinction  of  the 
five  moral  constants  is  gone.  Each  has  only  natural  love 
toward  others,  regardless  of  artificial  rites  and  justice. 
Speaking  of  the  Small  Tranquillity,  Confucius  gives  six 
superior  men  as  examples,  but  for  the  Great  Similarity,  he 
does  not  mention  any  one,  because  it  has  never  existed.  In 
the  Canon  of  History,  Confucius  takes  up  Yao  and  Shun 
to  represent  the  stage  of  Great  Similarity  as  they  did  not 
hand  down  their  thrones  to  their  sons,  yet  he  does  not  men- 
tion them  here.  The  principle  of  the  Three  Stages  is  the 
principle  of  progress;  we  must  look  for  the  golden  age  in 
the  future;  the  Extreme  Peace  or  the  Great  Similarity  is 
the  goal. 


III.  LOVE 

Both  the  Three  Systems  and  the  Three  Stages  come 
under  the  law  of  variety  in  accordance  with  external  con- 
ditions; the  law  of  unity  is  based  on  the  inner  nature  of 
man.  It  is  the  principle  of  love.  From  the  religious  point 
of  view,  the  unity  is  called  God ; from  the  philosoph- 
ical point  of  view,  it  is  called  Yuan;  from  the  ethical 


FUNDAMENTAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CONFUCIUS 


21 


point  of  view,  it  is  called  love.1  These  three  names  are 
based  on  the  same  principle,  because  it  is  a unity.  The  unity 
of  the  universe  is  nothing-  but  love.  The  cement  of  the 
universe  is  called  God  or  Yiian,  and  that  of  society  is  called 
love.  Confucius  says  “ Love  is  man  ”,  and  Mencius  repeats 
the  same  words.2  If  we  put  it  into  negative  form,  any  one 
who  does  not  conform  to  the  principle  of  love  is  not  a man. 

IV.  RECIPROCITY 

There  is  a question  as  to  how  we  should  practice  the  prin- 
ciple of  love.  After  Confucius  said  to  Ts‘eng-Tzu,  his 
pupil,  “ My  doctrine  is  that  of  an  all-pervading  unity  ”, 
Ts‘eng-Tzu  explained  to  other  pupils  that  the  unity  is  simply 
faithfulness  and  reciprocity.3  Confucius  himself  says : 
“ Faithfulness  and  reciprocity  are  not  far  from  the  way. 
What  you  do  not  wish  when  done  to  yourself,  do  not  do  to 
others.”  4 * We  can  see,  therefore,  that  faithfulness  and 
reciprocity  both  make  up  the  unity,  but  faithfulness  is  in- 
cluded in  the  principle  of  reciprocity.  When  Tzu-kung 
asked,  “ Is  there  one  word  which  may  serve  as  a rule  of 
practice  for  all  one’s  life?”  Confucius  said,  “Is  not  reci- 
procity such  a word?  What  you  do  not  want  done  to  your- 
self, do  not  do  to  others.”  6 Stating  this  golden  rule  posi- 
tively, Confucius  says:  “The  man  who  practices  the  prin- 
ciple of  love,  wishing  to  establish  himself,  seeks  also  to  es- 
tablish others;  wishing  to  develop  himself,  he  seeks  also 
to  develop  others.  To  be  able  to  take  one’s  inmost  self  for 

1 See  Yi  King,  pp.  408,  415.  Legge’s  translation  is  obscure.  The 

word  Ch'ien  means  God,  and  also  the  word  Yiian,  "the  great  and  orig- 
inating.” The  word  benevolence  is  love. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  405;  and  vol.  ii,  p.  485. 

* Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  169-170. 

* Ibid.,  p.  394. 

6 Ibid.,  p.  301. 


22 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  judging  of  others  may  be  called  the  art  of  applying  the 
principle  of  love.”  1 This  principle  makes  egotism  and 
altruism  into  one  and  the  same  thing,  and  makes  one  regard 
others  as  oneself.  In  short,  the  principle  of  love  is  the  end, 
and  the  law  of  reciprocity  is  the  means.  This  is  the  unity 
of  Confucianism. 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  194. 


CHAPTER  III 


Writings  of  Confucius  and  His  Disciples 

I.  WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS 

We  have  said  that  the  work  of  Confucius  is  no  greater 
than  his  writings.  Let  us  now  consider  what  his  writings 
are.  Since  they  are  called  the  Holy  Bible,1  and  are  the 
oldest  and  best  literature  of  the  Chinese,  they  occupy  the 
first  department  of  the  Chinese  library.  The  study  of  them 
is  very  difficult;  many  good  scholars,  spending  their  whole 
lives,  study  thoroughly  merely  a part  of  them;  yet  their 
principles  can  never  be  exhausted.  The  writings  on  the 
subject  of  the  Confucian  Bible,  therefore,  are  most  numer- 
ous. But  we  shall  give  the  essentials  in  the  most  condensed 
way. 

1 Since  the  Chinese  word  for  “ Bible”  was  mistranslated  by  Professor 
James  Legge  into  the  word  “ Classic,”  there  has  been  much  misunder- 
standing of  the  nature  of  Confucius’  writings.  It  must  be  contended 
that  these  writings  are  regarded  as  divinely  inspired,  because  Confu- 
cius himself  is  considered  to  have  been  divinely  sent  and  appointed. 
(C/.  passage  from  the  Adjunct  to  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  quoted  in 
the  Annotation  of  Kung-yang , 14th  year  of  Duke  Ai).  An  account 
given  in  the  Adjunct  to  the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety,  in  which  Confucius 
is  represented  as  reporting  to  God  the  completion  of  his  writings 
and  as  receiving  divine  approval  in  the  form  of  a red  rainbow  com- 
ing down  from  above  and  transmitting  itself  into  yellow  jade  with 
words  sculptured  upon  it,  would  seem  to  give  to  the  religion  and  writ- 
ings of  Confucius  in  the  minds  of  the  Chinese  people  the  same  claim 
to  a sacred  character  as  other  religions  and  Bibles  possess  for  the 
people  who  accept  them.  But  the  real  value  of  the  writings  of  Con- 
fucius is  not  based  on  such  a story. 


23 


24 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


All  the  different  writings  of  Confucius  himself  are  called 
Bibles.  But  as  the  word  is  not  ordinarily  used  in  the  plurai 
in  English,  we  are  obliged  to  adopt  the  word  “ Canon.” 
Originally,  the  Chinese  called  them  Ching,  which  means 
Bible.  We  shall  review  them  according  to  their  original 
order,  as  follows : 

1.  The  Canon  of  Poetry  contains  three  hundred  and  five 
poems.  Except  the  first  two  poems  of  “ The  Odes  of  Pin,” 
they  were  all  written  by  different  authors  in  the  Chou 
dynasty  (about  631-47  B.  K.  or  1182-598  B.  C.),  but  they 
are  edited  by  Confucius  according  to  his  own  principles. 
How  many  corrections  have  been  made  by  him  we  do  not 
know,  but  we  are  sure  that  he  must  have  changed  the  origi- 
nal words  in  some  way.  The  poems  are  divided  into  three 
kinds:  the  Feng,  spirits  of  different  nations;  the  Ya,  politics 
of  the  imperial  government ; the  Sung,  praises  in  the  temples. 
Because  politics  is  concerned  with  great  and  small  questions, 
the  Ya  is  divided  up  again  into  Small  Ya  and  Great  Ya. 
Hence,  this  Canon  has  four  parts.  All  the  poems  are  the 
expression  of  human  nature;  the  description,  narration,  or 
criticism  of  social  and  political  conditions.  Their  character 
is  somewhat  like  that  of  a newspaper,  and  they  serve  as  a 
comparative  study  of  political  science.  This  Canon  is  also 
a song  book,  as  all  the  poems  can  be  sung  in  harmony  with 
music. 

2.  The  Canon  of  History  has  twenty-eight  books.  It 
covers  the  history  of  China  from  Yao  (1806-1707  B.  K. 
or  2357-2258  B.  C.)  to  Duke  Mu  of  Ch‘in  (108-70  B.  K. 
or  659-621  B.  C.),  and  gives  all  the  most  important  docu- 
ments of  this  period.  These  documents  were  written  by  dif- 
ferent authors,  and  edited  by  Confucius.  But  the  labor 
Confucius  put  on  this  Canon  is  evidently  greater  than  that 
put  on  the  Canon  of  Poetry.  The  “ System  of  Yao,”  the 
“ Tribute  of  Yu,”  the  “ Great  Model,”  and  the  “ Code  of 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES 


25 


Po,”  are  apparently  the  works  of  Confucius  himself,  be- 
cause their  style  is  different  from  that  of  the  other  docu- 
ments and  similar  to  the  style  of  Confucius.  This  Canon 
is  a study  of  history  and  political  science. 

3.  The  Canon  of  Rites  has  seventeen  books,  and  describes 
the  details  of  the  eight  rites.  These  eight  rites  are : ( 1 ) cap- 
ping for  the  indication  of  maturity,  (2)  marriage,  (3)  fun- 
eral, (4)  sacrifice,  (5)  district-drinking,  (6)  game  of  arch- 
ery,  (7)  diplomatic  intercourse,  and  (8)  visiting  of  the  em- 
peror by  the  princes.  These  eight  rites  are  the  rules  govern- 
ing the  five  social  relations : The  rites  of  capping  and  mar- 
riage govern  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife;  the  rites  of 
funeral  and  sacrifice,  that  of  father  and  son;  the  rites  of 
district-drinking  and  archery,  that  of  seniors  and  juniors; 
the  rites  of  diplomatic  intercourse  and  visiting  of  the  em- 
peror, that  of  ruler  and  minister.  For  the  relation  of  friends, 
there  are  the  third  book  on  social  intercourse,  the  twelfth 
book  on  feasting,  and  the  fifteenth  book  on  the  rites  of  enter- 
taining great  officials  by  a prince.  Moreover,  through  all 
the  different  rites  there  must  be  two  parties,  host  and  guest ; 
hence  the  relation  of  friend  to  friend  is  within  all  the  rites. 
Such  rites  are  the  old  customs  and  manners,  but  they  are  col- 
lected and  prescribed  by  Confucius.  This  Canon  is  now 
miscalled  Yi  Li. 

4.  The  Canon  of  Music.  Since  the  songs  are  all  in  the 
Canon  of  Poetry,  and  the  different  uses  of  music  are  pre- 
scribed in  the  Canon  of  Rites,  there  was  no  need  to  have  a 
canon  for  music  like  the  other  Five  Canons.  But  there 
must  originally  have  been  a Canon  of  Music,  though  dif- 
ferent in  form  from  the  others,  having  notes  instead  of 
words.  Unfortunately  it  was  lost  during  the  Han  dynasty, 
(after  636  A.  K.  or  85  A.  D.).  Therefore,  we  generally 
speak  only  of  the  Five  Canons. 

5.  The  Canon  of  Changes.  Although  Pao  Hsi  first  drew 


26  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  eight  trigrams,  and  Wen  Wang  multiplied  them  into 
sixty-four  hexagrams,  the  text  of  this  Canon  is  virtually 
the  exclusive  work  of  Confucius.  It  is  divided  into  two 
parts,  and  has  sixty-four  books.  The  first  two  books  of 
the  first  part  refer  to  heaven  and  earth  respectively; 
those  of  the  second  part,  to  the  relation  between  hus- 
band and  wife;  the  last  two  books  of  this  Canon  are 
called  “ Success  ” and  “ Failure  ”.  Heaven  and  earth  are 
the  basis  of  the  universal  system,  and  husband  and  wife 
that  of  the  social  system.  As  the  world  never  comes  to 
the  stage  of  perfection,  and  everything  must  have  an  end, 
this  Canon  ends  at  the  book  of  Failure.  The  thought  is 
mystical ; the  words  are  figurative;  the  illustrations  are  math- 
ematical. The  word  “changes”  has  three  distinct  meanings: 
easy,  changeable,  unchangeable;  and  the  principles  of  this 
Canon  have  these  three  qualities.  In  fact,  the  Canon  of 
Changes  is  the  doctrine  of  evolution,  and  we  may  adopt  the 
word  evolution  instead  of  changes. 

6.  The  Spring  and  Autumn.  This  Canon  was  origi- 
nally the  annals  of  Lu,  but  Confucius  changed  them  into 
the  present  form.  It  covers  the  period  of  two  hundred 
and  forty-two  years  (171  B.  K.-71  A.  K.  or  722-481  B. 
C.),  and  records  the  events  during  the  reigns  of  twelve 
dukes.  For  the  preparation  of  this  Canon,  Confucius  sent 
fourteen  pupils  to  get  the  sacred  books  from  one  hundred 
and  twenty  nations.  It  is  an  inductive  work,  written  entirely 
by  Confucius  himself.  This  Canon  is  the  most  important 
of  all  his  works.  It  is  not  historical  in  character;  the  words 
drawn  from  history  are  but  the  figures  by  which  Confucius 
has  illustrated  his  principles.  “ I should  like  to  convey 
my  ideas  as  pure  theories,”  said  he,  “ but  it  is  deeper,  truer, 
clearer,  brighter,  to  represent  them  through  the  actions  of 
men.”  He  claims  the  rights  of  a king,  represents  his  king- 
dom under  the  name  of  Lu,  and  gives  numerous  laws  along 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES  27 

with  historical  events.  Censuring  the  emperors,  abasing  the 
princes,  and  attacking  the  great  officials,  he  establishes  his 
kingdom  on  earth  through  the  Spring  and  Autumn.  On 
this  account,  Confucius  said : “ It  is  only  the  Spring  and 
Autumn  which  will  make  men  know  me,  and  it  is  only  the 
Spring  and  Autumn  which  will  make  men  condemn  me.”  1 

Of  the  Five  Canons,  the  Canon  of  Changes  and  the 
Spring  and  Autumn  are  the  most  important.  The  Canons 
of  Poetry,  of  History,  and  of  Rites  contain  materials  drawn 
from  the  ancients  and  remodeled  by  him,  but  the  Canon  of 
Changes  and  the  Spring  and  Autumn  are  written  entirely 
in  his  own  words.  The  other  three  are  his  ordinary  teach- 
ings; these  two,  his  most  important  teachings.  The  Canon 
of  Changes  is  a deductive  work,  beginning  with  abstract 
principles  and  proceeding  to  their  practical  application,  while 
the  Spring  and  Autumn  is  inductive,  coming  to  the  general 
theories  through  the  analysis  of  facts.2 

Both  the  inductive  and  the  deductive  method  are  em- 
ployed by  Confucius.  He  recognizes  the  equal  importance 
of  them,  and  points  out  the  dangers  of  using  either  exclu- 
sively. He  says : “ Learning  without  thought  is  labor  lost ; 
thought  without  learning  is  perilous.”  3 The  word  learning 
means  induction,  and  the  word  thought,  deduction.  They 
must  be  combined  and  neither  one  can  get  along  without 
the  other.  He  tells  us  from  his  own  experience  that  the 
single  method  of  deduction  is  useless.  He  says : “ I have 
been  the  whole  day  without  eating,  and  the  whole  night 
without  sleeping — occupied  with  thinking.  It  was  of  no 
use.  The  better  plan  is  to  learn.”4  Again,  he  speaks  of  his 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  281-2. 

2 Historical  Record,  ch.  cxvii. 

* Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  150. 

4 Ibid.,  pp.  302-3. 


28  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


inductive  method  as  follows : “ There  may  be  those  who 
write  something  without  the  knowledge  of  it.  I have  no 
such  fault.  Hearing  much,  and  selecting  what  is  good  and 
using  it ; seeing  much,  and  selecting  what  is  good  and  writ- 
ing it  down:  this  way  of  getting  knowledge  is  second  only 
to  having  knowledge  by  birth.”  1 From  these  two  passages, 
it  seems  that  he  is  more  in  favor  of  induction  than  of  de- 
duction. 

We  must  understand,  however,  that  since  Confucius  was 
not  a historian,  but  the  founder  of  a religion,  his  writings 
are  not  of  a historical  but  of  a religious  character.  All 
the  data  given  in  his  writings,  although  often  true,  are 
primarily  figurative  illustrations  of  his  own  ideas,  and  he 
did  not  necessarily  regard  them  as  facts.  In  the  Analects 
he  says : 

I can  describe  the  civilization  of  the  Hsia  dynasty,  but  the 
state  of  Chi  cannot  sufficiently  prove  my  words.  I can  de- 
scribe the  civilization  of  the  Yin  dynasty,  but  the  state  of  Sung 
cannot  sufficiently  prove  my  words.  It  is  because  of  the  in- 
sufficiency of  their  literature  and  scholars.  If  those  were 
sufficient,  I could  adduce  them  in  support  of  my  words.2 

This  passage  indicates  that  Confucius  himself  fails  to  find 
historical  data  on  which  to  base  his  doctrines,  and  that  the 
descriptions  of  the  ancient  civilization  given  by  him  are 
simply  from  his  own  mind.  In  the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean,”3 
and  in  the  “ Evolution  of  Civilization,”  4 Confucius  gives 
passages  similar  to  the  above,  so  that  we  are  assured  that 
he  creates  the  ancients  out  of  his  own  mind.  Moreover, 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  201. 

1 Ibid.,  p.  158. 

8 Ibid.,  p.  424. 

* Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  368. 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES  2g 

when  Mencius  was  asked  by  Pei-kung  Yi  about  the  arrange- 
ment of  dignities  and  emoluments  determined  by  the  Chou 
dynasty,  he  replied,  “ The  particulars  of  that  arrangement 
cannot  be  learned,  for  the  princes,  disliking  them  as  injur- 
ious to  themselves,  have  all  made  away  with  the  records  of 
them.”  1 We  can  see,  therefore,  that  in  Confucius’  time,  not 
only  the  civilization  of  the  Hsia  and  the  Yin  dynasties  had 
no  authentic  history,  but  also  that  of  the  Chou  dynasty  was 
without  complete  records.  How  much  more  doubtful  were 
the  things  beyond  these  three  dynasties  to  which  he  refers? 
Yet  Confucius  describes  many  matters  which  refer  not  only 
to  the  Three  Dynasties,  but  also  to  the  legendary  periods. 

When  we  compare  his  writings  with  those  of  other  schools, 
we  find  no  agreement  among  the  different  writers  as  to  the 
facts,  because  they  all  utilize  the  ancient  kings  as  figures 
to  portray  their  own  theories.  Chuang  Tzu  (a  pupil  of  the 
disciple  of  Confucius,  who,  however,  turned  to  Taoism),  is 
such  a writer  of  the  extreme  type,  and  Confucius  is  one  of 
the  moderate  type.  Mo  Tzu,  a young  pupil  of  Confucius, 
and  later  the  founder  of  the  rival  school  of  Moism,  said, 
“ Between  two  philosophers,  their  words  condemn  each 
other,  and  their  actions  oppose  each  other.  Yet  they  both 
say,  ‘ I transmit  from  the  ancients  the  principles  of  Yao, 
Shun,  Yu,  T'ang,  Wen,  and  Wu.’  ” 2 Han  Fei  Tzu  (died 
319  A.  K.  or  233  B.  C.),  the  greatest  philosopher  of  the 
Law  School,  formerly  a Confucian,  said,  “ Confucius  and 
Mo  Tzu  both  speak  of  Yao  and  Shun,  but  what  they  select 
or  reject  is  different.  Yet  they  both  claim  to  be  the  true 
representatives  of  Yao  and  Shun.  As  Yao  and  Shun  cannot 
be  alive  again,  who  can  be  sent  to  determine  the  truthful- 
ness of  Confucius  and  Mo  Tzu?”3  Han  Fei  Tzu,  living 


Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  373. 
2 Bk.  xxv. 


3 Bk.  1. 


3° 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


near  to  the  age  of  Confucius,  yet  failed  to  assert  whether 
the  things  ascribed  by  Confucius  to  the  ancient  kings  were 
true  or  not;  how  can  we  assert  such  things  to-day?  It  is 
evident  that  Confucius  creates  them  himself. 

The  reason  Confucius  uses  the  names  of  the  ancient  kings 
to  father  his  theories  is  told  by  himself,  when  he  says  to 
Ts'eng  Tzu,  “ I humble  myself  in  order  to  avoid  danger,  and 
refer  to  the  ancient  kings  in  order  to  borrow  authority.”  1 
On  the  one  hand,  he  escapes  danger  from  the  princes,  and 
on  the  other,  he  wins  the  confidence  of  the  people.  More- 
over, as  China  had  a glorious  history  long  before  his  time, 
and  he  was  a great  scholar,  it  was  natural  for  him  to  utilize 
historical  materials  for  his  own  purpose.  But  at  bottom, 
all  his  writings  are  the  fruit  of  his  own  mind  and  for  his 
own  religious  teachings. 

Some  people  think,  however,  that  Confucius  was  “ a 
transmitter  and  not  an  originator,  believing  in  and  loving 
the  ancients,”  and  quote  this  phrase  from  his  own  words  in 
the  Analects.2  But  these  words  simply  express  the  char- 
acteristic modesty  of  the  Chinese,  a quality  which  Confucius 
shows  in  extreme  form.  Yet  he  was  not  always  so  modest, 
sometimes  confessing  that  he  was  an  originator.  In  the 
Adjunct  to  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  he  said,  “ A sage  is 
never  born  to  do  nothing;  he  must  produce  something  in 
order  to  show  the  mind  of  God.  I am  ‘the  wooden-tongued 
bell  ’,  and  make  laws  for  the  world.”  In  the  Adjunct  to  the 
Canon  of  Filial  Piety,  he  said,  “ I am  the  law-making  lord.” 
Confucius  was  the  real  creator  of  his  new  religion,  although 
incidentally  transmitting  some  elements  from  the  ancients.3 

1 Adjunct  to  the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety. 

* Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  195. 

3 Cf.  Research  on  the  Reformation  of  Confucius,  published  in  2449 
(1898  A.  D.)  by  Kang  Yu-wei. 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES  31 
II.  WRITINGS  OF  THE  DISCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

The  Five  Canons  do  not  give  all  the  teachings  of  Con- 
fucius. So  if  we  wish  to  learn  his  teachings,  besides  study- 
ing his  own  works,  we  must  study  also  the  writings  of  his 
disciples.  For  they  are  very  closely  related  to  each  other, 
and  both  together  make  up  the  religion  of  Confucianism.  If 
we  neglect  the  writings  of  his  disciples  and  take  up  only 
his  own  writings,  it  means  that  we  omit  a great  part  of  his 
teachings,  and  that  therefore  we  cannot  understand  him 
so  well,  or  do  him  justice. 

We  shall  now  point  out  the  names  of  the  writings  of  his 
disciples,  calling  them  Records  and  Commentaries,  in  order 
to  distinguish  them  from  the  Canons  of  Confucius. 

1.  Records  and  Commentaries 

1.  The  Analects.  This  is  a record  of  the  monologues  and 
conversations  of  Confucius  and  his  disciples.  It  was  written 
by  his  disciples,  Chung-kung,  Tzu-yu,  Tzu-hsia,  and  others. 

2.  The  Canon  of  Filial  Piety.  This  may  have  been  written 
by  the  pupils  of  Ts‘eng  Tzu,  and  it  serves  as  the  gateway  to 
the  Five  Canons. 

3.  The  twelve  “ Records  ” and  the  “ Commentary  of 
Mourning.”  These  Records  are  the  complements  to  the 
twelve  books  of  the  Canon  of  Rites,  which  were  written  by 
the  pupils  of  Confucius.  The  Commentary  explains  the 
mourning  system  prescribed  in  the  Canon  itself,  and  in  the 
Record,  and  was  written  by  Tzu-hsia  alone.  Both  these 
Records  and  the  Commentary  are  now  contained  in  the 
Canon  of  Rites. 

4.  Elder  Tai’s  Record  of  Rites.  It  was  compiled  by  Tai 
Te.  The  number  of  its  original  books  is  disputed.  It  has 
thirty-nine  books  now. 

5.  Younger  Tai’s  Record  of  Rites.  It  was  compiled  by 
Tai  Sheng,  second  cousin  of  Tai  Te.  This  has  forty-nine 


32 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


books  now,  but  its  original  number  is  also  disputed.  It  is 
now  called  the  Record  of  Rites  (Li  Ki ). 

There  was  originally  a compilation  entitled  The  Records 
of  the  Seventy  Disciples  and  Their  Followers,  which  in- 
cluded all  the  books  written  by  the  disciples  of  Confucius, 
even  the  Analects  and  the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety.  The  num- 
ber of  books  was  two  hundred  and  four.  But  the  scholars 
of  the  Canon  of  Rites  took  many  books  out  of  it,  and 
formed  a particular  encyclopaedia  on  the  subject  of  rites. 
The  Elder  Tai  and  the  Younger  Tai,  both  great  scholars  of 
the  Rites  during  the  reign  of  Han  Hsiian  Ti  (479-503  A.  K. 
or  73-49  B.  C. ),  compiled  these  two  Records,  and  they  are 
later  called  the  Records  of  Rites. 

6.  The  “Appendix”  of  the  Canon  of  Changes  was  written 
by  the  disciples  of  Confucius,  and  is  now  contained  in  the 
Canon  of  Changes  just  after  the  sixty-four  books  of  this 
Canon. 

7.  Kung-yang’s  Commentary.  In  order  to  understand 
the  principles  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  nay,  in  order  to 
understand  the  principles  of  Confucius  at  all,  it  is  necessary 
to  study  Kung-yang’s  Commentary.  Fearing  the  injury 
which  the  princes  would  do  to  his  writings,  Confucius 
omitted  all  detailed  explanation  in  the  Spring  and  Autumn, 
and  such  explanation  is  given  by  this  Commentary,  which 
records  the  oral  teachings  of  Confucius.  In  fact,  it  is  the 
keystone  of  Confucianism.  It  and  the  Canon  are  now  con- 
tained in  a single  book.1 

8.  Ku-Iiang’s  Commentary  is  also  a commentary  on  the 
Spring  and  Autumn,  and  a record  of  the  oral  teachings  of 
Confucius.  This  Commentary  is  inferior  to  that  of  Kung- 
yang.  It  also  is  compiled  with  the  Canon  in  a single  book. 
These  two  Commentaries  were  written  by  the  disciples  of 
Tzu-hsia. 

1 The  Annotation  of  Knng-Yang  given  by  Ho  Hsiu  (680-733,  or  129- 
182  A.  D.)  is  very  valuable  and  reliable. 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES  33 

9.  The  Seven  Adjuncts.  They  were  seven  separate  books, 
each  of  them  supplementing  respectively  the  Six  Cations 
and  the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety.  The  Canons  are  the  warp, 
the  Adjuncts  the  woof.  Some  scholars  say  that  they  were 
written  by  Confucius  himself.2  Since  they  appeared  in  the 
Former  Han  dynasty,  and  their  interpretations  agree  with 
the  Canons  and  the  Modern  Literature  School,  they  are  very- 
valuable,  because  they  give  many  oral  teachings  of  Con- 
fucius. We  are  sure  that  they  were  written  by  his  disciples, 
although  many  statements  were  added  to  them  by  the  Con- 
fucians  of  the  Former  Han  dynasty.  In  character,  they 
were  religious,  mystical  and  prophetical.  Unfortunately, 
they  were  prohibited  by  several  emperors,  and  burned  en- 
tirely by  Sui  Yang  Ti  (about  1156,  or  605  A.  D.).  To-day, 
there  is  only  a collection  of  their  fragments. 

2.  Independent  Works 

There  is  another  kind  of  writing,  which  is  not  the  record 
of  the  words  of  Confucius,  nor  the  commentary  on  his 
works.  Such  a kind  is  called  tzu  philosophy.  It  is  a name 
given  to  the  works  either  of  the  founders  of  different 
schools,  or  of  the  most  prominent  followers  of  any  school. 
There  are  some  original  and  independent  thoughts  in  such 
writings.  Among  the  Confucians,  the  most  important  works 
of  this  kind  are  those  of  Mencius  and  Hsun  Tzu. 

1.  Meng  Tzii  is  the  work  of  Mencius  himself,  and  has 
seven  books. 

2.  Hsun  Tzu  is  the  work  of  Hsun  Tzu  (218-339,  or  334- 
213  B.  C.),  and  has  thirty-two  books. 

Although  these  two  books  are  the  independent  works  of 
the  authors,  they  are  exponents  of  the  principles  of  Con- 
fucius. Therefore,  they  are  not  the  exclusive  products  of 


1 History  of  Sui,  ch.  xxxii. 


34 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


Mencius  and  Hsun  Tzu,  and  form  a part  of  the  religion  of 
Confucius. 

III.  CONCLUSION 

Passing  through  the  Ch‘in  dynasty  and  the  Former  Han 
dynasty,  to  the  time  of  Liu  Hsin  (died  574,  or  23  A.  D.), 
all  the  Confucian  literature  remained  the  same  as  the  orig- 
inal works  of  Confucius  and  his  disciples.  Unfortunately, 
when  the  political  usurper,  Wang  Mang,  came  to  power 
(55 1-574,  or  1 B.  C.-23  A.  D.),  there  was  also  a religious 
usurper  named  Liu  Hsin.  At  that  time,  books  were  scarce. 
Liu  Hsin  in  545  (7  B.  C.)  succeeded  his  father,  Liu 
Hsiang,1  as  the  reviewer  in  the  imperial  library.  Both  he 
and  his  father  were  great  scholars;  but  he,  under  such 
favorable  conditions,  made  many  corruptions  in  the  whole 
Confucian  Bible  in  order  to  satisfy  his  literary  purpose  and 
the  political  purpose  of  Wang  Mang.  In  560  (9  A.  D.)  he 
was  made  by  Wang  Mang  the  National  Teacher.  He 
changed  the  order  of  the  Six  Canons — the  Canon  of 
Changes  first,  the  History  second,  the  Poetry  third,  etc. 
Since  he  had  no  way  to  destroy  the  Bible,  he  changed  the 
original  text  somewhat  and  put  some  spurious  words,  state- 
ments, chapters,  and  books  into  it.  Then  he  wrote  or  com- 
piled many  books  for  the  interpretation  of  his  spurious 
Bible.  He  found  an  ingenious  pretext  to  help  him.  There 
had  been  a burning  of  literature  by  the  Ch‘in  Dynasty  (339 
A.  K.  or  213  B.  C. ),  but  the  existence  of  the  Confucian 
literature  was  not  affected.  Yet  Liu  Hsin  pretended  that 
the  existing  Confucian  literature  was  not  complete  on  ac- 
count of  that  fire,  and  that  his  spurious  books  were  the  only 

1 Liu  Hsiang  (473-544,  or  79  B.  C.  to  8 A.  D.)  became  the  reviewer  in 
the  imperial  library  in  526  (26  B.  C.),  and  his  son.  Liu  Hsin,  was  his 
assistant.  He  was  the  author  of  the  Park  of  Narratives,  the  New 
Narration,  the  Biography  of  Noteworthy  Women,  etc.  He  was  one 
of  the  greatest  authorities  in  the  Modem  Literature. 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES 


35 


old  texts  rediscovered,  in  the  period  between  397  and  423 
( 1 55-129  B.  C.),  which  had  escaped  this  burning.  Hence, 
he  called  his  spurious  books  the  Ancient  Literature. 

Liu  Hsin’s  chief  works  are  these:  1.  He  compiled  the 
Official  System  of  Chou  under  the  feigned  name  of  the 
Duke  of  Chou,  making  the  Duke  a rival  to  Confucius.  2. 
He  wrote  the  spurious  Tso’s  Commentary,  formed  from  the 
greater  part  of  Tso-ch‘iu  Ming’s  Narratives  of  Nations,  in 
order  to  interpret  the  Spring  and  Autumn.  This  was  a 
great  calamity.1 

Opposing  this  spurious  Ancient  Literature  are  the  true 
Canons  interpreted  by  the  great  authorities  of  the  Former 
Han  dynasty.  These  interpretations  are  called  the  Modern 
Literature.  Of  course,  it  is  very  difficult  to  distinguish  the 
true  Canons  from  the  spurious  Canons,  especially  as  many 
of  the  books  of  the  Modern  Literature  have  been  lost.2  But, 

' Although  the  Official  System  of  Chou  and  Tso’s  Commentary  are 
the  compilations  of  Liu  Hsin,  they  give  much  information  about  the 
old  customs,  institutions  and  facts,  because  the  materials  of  the  Official 
System  of  Chou  are  drawn  from  the  old  books,  and  the  Narratives  of 
Nations  is  a history.  Therefore,  for  the  sake  of  mere  facts,  we  can- 
not help  making  use  of  these  two  books. 

2 Cheng  Hsiian  (678-751,  or  127-200  A.  D.)  was  the  chief  figure 
among  all  the  Confucians  of  the  Han  dynasty.  He  studied  both  the 
Modern  and  the  Ancient  Literature,  but  his  works  were  based  on  the 
latter  more  than  on  the  former.  He  was  a very  good  man,  and  a very 
good  scholar,  though  he  mixed  up  the  Modern  and  the  Ancient  Litera- 
ture. He  commented  on  nearly  all  the  canonical  books,  taking  up  the 
interpretations  from  both  the  Modern  and  the  Ancient  Literature,  but 
he  used  the  text  of  the  Ancient  Literature  for  his  annotation.  There- 
fore, when  his  annotations  were  generally  accepted,  nearly  all  the 
Modern  Literature  was  lost,  but  the  Ancient  Literature  remains.  From 
the  time  that  Liu  Hsin  made  the  Ancient  Literature,  there  had  always 
been  a bitter  rivalry  between  the  two  schools,  who  had  never  come  to 
any  compromise.  If  such  a condition  had  lasted  forever,  the  Modern 
Literature  would  never  have  been  lost.  But,  since  Cheng  Hsiian  mixed 
up  the  two,  a great  confusion  had  been  interwoven  through  them,  and 
it  is  very  difficult  to  distinguish  them.  Through  his  influence,  the 


36  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


since  some  still  remain,  and  since  there  are  many  collections 
of  the  fragments  of  the  Modern  Literature,  a most  careful 
study  has  determined  what  the  true  Canons  are.  While 
every  word  cannot  be  made  out,  still  the  Five  Canons  are  at 
least  ninety  per  cent  authentic. 

Both  these  two  classes  of  books — the  Canons  of  Con- 
fucius, and  the  Records,  Commentaries  and  the  independent 
works  of  his  disciples — are  sources  from  which  we  have 
learned  the  principles  of  Confucius.  In  addition  to  these 
authorities,  we  use  many  interpretations  suggested  by  the 
Confucians  of  different  ages,  from  the  Han  dynasty  to  the 
. present  day,  and  information  supplied  by  different  philoso- 
phers from  the  Chou  dynasty  to  the  Former  Han  dynasty. 
But  these  need  not  be  mentioned  here.  The  details  of  dis- 
tinguishing the  Modern  Literature  from  the  Ancient  Litera- 
ture are  very  complex,  and  we  have  not  space  to  discuss 
them  here.1  We  have  been  very  careful  to  base  this  study 
on  the  works  of  the  School  of  Modern  Literature,  to  leave 
out  entirely  spurious  passages  and  books,  and  to  present  the 
principles  of  Confucius  with  all  possible  accuracy. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  influence  of  the  writings  cited 
above  is  exceedingly  great.  Nearly  all  Chinese  institutions 
are  based  upon  them.  This  appears  from  a consideration 
of  the  great  events  in  Chinese  history  in  their  chronological 
order.  The  abolition  of  the  feudal  system,  the  abolition  of 

forged  books  of  Liu  Hsin  were  diffused  and  accepted.  The  people 
read  him,  and  through  him  believed  Liu  Hsin.  Therefore  he  was  un- 
consciously a strong  supporter  of  Liu  Hsin,  and  a betrayer  of  Con- 
fucius. Despite  this,  he  was  a great  authority,  and  from  him  we  learn 
some  of  the  oral  teachings  of  Confucius.  His  chief  works  which  re- 
main are  the  Annotation  of  the  Canon  of  Peotry,  the  Annotation  of 
the  Canon  of  Rites,  the  Annotation  of  the  Record  of  Rites,  and  the 
Annotation  of  the  Official  System  of  Chou. 

1 The  best  book  for  it  is  the  Research  on  the  False  Bible  of  the  School 
of  Hsin,  published  in  2442  (1891  A.  D.)  by  Kang  Yu-wei. 


WRITINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  DISCIPLES 


37 


hereditary  officials,  the  election  system,  the  educational  sys- 
tem, the  adoption  of  the  calendar  of  the  Hsia  dynasty,  the 
three  years’  mourning,  the  distribution  of  the  public  land — 
all  these  were  the  products  of  Confucius  himself.  The 
theories  of  these  writings  are  called  by  the  Chinese  “ canon- 
ical principles,”  and  they  are  of  value  not  only  for  study, 
but  even  more  in  their  application  to  practical  affairs. 
Therefore,  even  a single  word  or  a single  phrase  may  be  of 
great  importance  in  the  solution  of  problems  of  the  day. 
For  example,  the  Chinese  want  constitutional  government, 
but  they  refer  to  Confucius  for  the  support  of  their  demand. 
Confucius  is  the  chief  authority,  and  it  is  the  habit  of  the 
Chinese  to  seek  from  these  writings  sanction  or  guidance 
in  the  determination  of  important  questions.  It  is  neces- 
sary to  bear  these  facts  in  mind  in  order  to  understand  the 
significance  of  the  quotations  from  these  writings,  no  matter 
how  short  or  how  figurative  they  may  be. 

It  should  be  noted  also  that  Confucius  was  not  primarily 
an  economist.  He  was  a general  philosopher,  interested  in 
many  things.  Throughout  all  his  writings,  there  is  scarcely 
a single  book  treating  exclusively  of  economic  subjects.  But 
there  are  many  passages  and  chapters  referring  to  economic 
life  and  giving  economic  principles.  When  we  combine 
these  two  classes  of  writings,  we  find  that  economic  prin- 
ciples are  quite  abundant.  But  the  difficulty  is  that  they  are 
scattered  through  all  the  writings,  and  in  such  a chaotic  way 
that  they  are  not  easily  collected  and  arranged.  Moreover, 
when  there  is  an  economic  principle,  it  is  generally  mixed 
up  with  something  else.  Therefore,  in  bringing  together 
the  economic  teachings  of  Confucius  from  these  writings, 
we  shall  arrange  them  in  the  order  of  modern  economists. 
That  is  to  say,  that  while  materials  are  old,  the  arrangement 
is  quite  new. 

For  the  interpretation  of  these  writings,  we  shall,  so  far 


38  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

as  possible,  pick  out  the  best  from  among  the  many  old 
scholars.  But,  if  we  are  not  satisfied  with  the  old  interpre- 
tation, we  are  obliged  to  make  a new  one  according  to  the 
original  texts.  Therefore,  while  the  author  does  not  pretend 
to  any  originality,  he  does  claim  to  have  discovered  some 
new  truths  contained  in  the  old  texts. 


CHAPTER  IV 


Historical  Movements  of  Confucianism 

Confucianism  is  the  name  of  the  new  religion  founded 
by  Confucius.  The  word  Confucianism  in  Chinese  is  called 
Ju,  which  may  be  applied  both  to  the  religion  of  Confucius 
and  to  his  followers.  Since  Confucianism  has  been  made 
the  state  religion,  and  practically  every  Chinese  has  been  a 
Confucian,  the  word  Ju  is  used  narrowly  as  equivalent  to 
scholar  or  litterateur,1  but  in  its  original  sense  it  signifies 
simply  those  who  believe  the  teachings  of  Confucius. 
Among  the  whole  body  of  Ju,  there  are  still  many  different 
classes.  Confucius  said  to  Tzu-hsia:  “ You  shall  be  a great 
man  of  Ju,  and  shall  not  be  a small  man  of  Ju.”  2 Hsun 
Tzu  3 classifies  the  people  as  these: — the  common  people,  the 
common  Ju,  the  regular  Ju,  and  the  great  Ju.  In  the  time 
of  Hsun  Tzu,  Confucianism  did  not  yet  rule  the  whole 
Chinese  people,  so  that  the  heathen  of  Confucianism  were 
called  common  people.  But  even  within  the  limit  of  Ju, 
there  were  still  varying  degrees.  For  the  governing  of  his 
people,  Confucius  sets  forth  the  “ Conducts  of  Ju  ” 4 as  the 
Confucian  creed. 

Confucianism  is  the  new  religion  of  China,  but  what  was 

1 James  Legge  says:  “ We  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  literati  in  China 
do  in  reality  occupy  the  place  of  priests  and  ministers  in  Christian  king- 
doms. Sovereign  and  people  have  to  seek  the  law  at  their  lips.” 
Chinese  Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  53. 

2 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  189.  3Bk.  viii. 

4 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxxviii,  pp.  402-410. 


39 


40 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


her  old  religion?  Her  old  religion  was  polytheism,  and 
had  no  special  name.  According  to  the  Official  System  of 
Chou  1 there  were  four  classes  of  spirits — the  spirits  of 
heaven,  of  earth,  of  the  dead,  and  of  all  material  things — 
but  above  all  there  was  a Supreme  God.  For  the  communi- 
cation between  the  spirits  and  men,  rose  the  priesthood, 
which  was  a body  of  scholars.  They  divided  their  pro- 
fession into  six  departments: — (i)  astrology,  (2)  the  alma- 
nac, (3)  the  five  elements  (water,  fire,  wood,  metal  and 
earth),  (4)  milfoil  and  tortoise,  (5)  miscellaneous  foretell- 
ing (dream-interpreting,  devil-driving,  prayer,  etc.),  (6) 
physical  laws  (the  features  of  geography,  of  cities,  of  build- 
ing, of  human  beings,  of  animals,  of  things,  etc.).  The 
History  of  Han  2 puts  these  six  professions  into  the  class 
of  “ magic  ”,  but  they  were  really  a mixture  of  magic  and 
science  which  is  unintelligible  and  forgotten  to-day. 

Under  this  old  religion,  the  whole  empire  was  ruled  by 
superstition.  Confucius  was  a great  religious  reformer  who 
swept  away  the  old  and  established  the  new.  He  did  not 
like  to  talk  about  extraordinary  things  and  spiritual  beings.3 
“ To  give  one’s  self  earnestly,”  said  he,  “ to  the  duties  due 
to  men,  and,  while  respecting  spiritual  beings,  to  keep  aloof 
from  them,  may  be  called  wisdom.”  4 In  Confucianism, 
there  is  no  prayer.  Confucius  being  very  sick,  Tzu-lu,  his 
pupil,  asked  leave  to  pray  for  him.  The  master  said: 
“ My  praying  has  been  for  a long  time.”  5 In  other  words, 
he  had  no  need  of  prayer.  The  Canon  of  Poetry  speaks  of 
“ seeking  for  much  happiness  by  yourself,”  6 which  Mencius 
explains  as  meaning,  “ Calamity  and  happiness  are  in  all 


1 Chs.  xviii,  xxvii.  2Ch.  xxx. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  201. 

4 Ibid p.  191. 

6 Ibid.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  431. 


5 Ibid.,  p.  206. 


HISTORICAL  MOVEMENTS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


41 


cases  of  man’s  own  seeking.”  1 Confucius  frees  all  mankind 
from  supernatural  power,  and  lays  stress  on  the  independent 
cultivation  of  one’s  own  personality.  Any  individual,  who 
has  reached  the  highest  standard  of  the  means  and  harmony, 
can  fix  the  Heaven  and  Earth  and  can  nourish  all  things.2 
In  fact,  such  a religion  not  only  was  new  to  China  in  an- 
cient times,  but  is  also  new  in  the  Western  World  to-day, 
where  it  is  only  now  appearing  in  such  forms  as  the  Ethical 
Culture  Society,  though  we  find  its  essentials  also  in  the 
teachings  of  Aristotle  and  of  the  stoics. 

Confucianism  is  a religion  of  the  highest  development, 
so  we  must  not  think  Confucius  unreligious.  In  the  Canon 
of  Changes,  Confucius  said,  “ The  sages  took  the  spiritual 
way  to  establish  religion,  and  hence  the  world  submitted 
to  them.”  3 “ To  combine  ghost  and  spirit,”  said  Confucius, 
“ is  the  good  form  of  religion.  . . . The  sages  framed  dis- 
tinctly the  names  of  ghost  and  spirit,  to  constitute  a pattern 
for  the  black-haired  race  ; and  all  the  multitudes  were  filled 
with  awe  and  the  myriads  of  the  people  constrained  to  sub- 
mission.” 4 All  this  shows  that  Confucius  recognized  the 
usefulness  of  the  old  religion,  and  so  did  not  destroy  it  en- 
tirely. In  his  writings,  we  still  find  some  of  the  old  ele- 
ments. Because  he  knew  that  the  world  could  not  attain  the 
final  stage  at  once,  he  did  not  carry  his  ideal  too  far,  and 
this  was  one  reason  why  Confucianism  was  accepted  as  the 
state  religion  of  China.  From  the  beginning  of  Chinese  his- 
tory, the  old  religion  had  been  combined  with  politics,  and 
the  sage  rulers  had  been  the  heads  of  both  government  and 
church;  but  ever  since  the  new  religion  arose,  Confucius, 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  198.  2 Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  385. 

3 Yi  King,  p.  230.  The  two  words  “spiritual  way”  in  Chinese  are 
pronounced  shin  tao.  Hence,  the  Japanese  call  their  religion  Shen- 
taoism. 

4 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxi,  pp.  220-221. 


42 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


coming  from  an  ordinary  family,  has  been  “The  Throneless 
King,”  and  religion  has  been  separated  from  politics — the 
great  sage  was  not  necessarily  to  have  a crown. 

We  must  not  think,  however,  that  Confucianism  was  to 
become  a state  religion  without  a struggle  for  supremacy. 
In  the  periods  of  Spring  and  Autumn  (171  B.  K.-71  A.  K. 
or  722-481  B.  C.)  and  of  Warring  States  (149-331  A.  K. 
or  403-221  B.  C.),  great  philosophers  with  creative  genius 
were  numerous,  and  each  fought  for  his  own  doctrines. 
According  to  the  History  of  Han,1  there  were  nine  sects: 
(1)  Confucianism,  (2)  Taoism,  (3)  Spiritualism  (the  old 
religion),  (4)  The  School  of  Law,  (5)  The  School  of 
Logic,  (6)  Moism,  (7)  The  School  of  Diplomacy,  (8)  The 
School  of  Generalization,  (9)  The  School  of  Agriculture. 
The  most  powerful  of  these  were  Confucianism,  Taoism 
and  Moism.  Yang  Chu  was  a great  disciple  of  Lao  Tzu, 
and  he  made  Taoism  a religion  of  extreme  egoism,  while 
Mo  Tzu  established  his  own  school,  which  was  one  of  ex- 
treme altruism.  Yang  was  like  Epicurus,  and  Mo  was  like 
Jesus.  During  the  time  of  Mencius,  the  doctrines  of  Yang 
and  Mo  ruled  the  whole  empire,  and  endangered  the  exist- 
ence of  Confucianism.2  A little  later,  however,  as  society 
would  not  accept  the  doctrine  of  Taoism,  now  made  ex- 
tremely egoistic  by  Yang  Chu,  the  only  rivals  were  Con- 
fucianism and  Moism.  At  the  end  of  the  Chou  dynasty  and 
the  beginning  of  the  Han  dynasty,  the  names  of  Confucius 
and  Mo  Ti  had  equal  prominence,  and  a life  and  death 
struggle  between  the  two  coming  religions  was  now  going 
on. 

Let  us  consider  the  fate  of  Confucianism.  After  the 
death  of  Confucius,  his  pupils  scattered  over  the  whole  em- 
pire. Some  became  teachers  and  ministers  in  the  govern- 


1 Ch.  xxx. 


5 Classics , vol.  ii,  pp.  282  3. 


HISTORICAL  MOVEMENTS  OF  CONFUCIANISM  43 

ments  of  different  states,  some  private  teachers.  In  145 
A.  K.  (407  B.  C.),  the  Marquis  Wen  of  Wei  accepted  the 
Confucian  Bible  from  Tzu-hsia.  This  was  the  first  time 
that  Confucianism  was  recognized  as  a state  religion. 
About  231  A.  K.  (321  B.  C.),  the  Marquis  Wen  of  Teng 
put  Confucianism  into  practice  on  the  advice  of  Mencius.1 
During  this  same  period,  we  find  that  five  states — Lu,  Ch‘i, 
Wei,  Sung,  and  Ch‘in — had  established  the  Board  of  Great 
Scholars,  (Po  Shih ),  the  government  professorship  of  Con- 
fucianism. Confucianism  attained  this  dominance  largely 
because  of  the  achievements  of  its  disciples.  According 
to  Han  Fei  Tzu ,2  Confucianism  was  at  that  time  divided 
up  into  eight  branches.  But  the  greatest  Confucians 
fighting  against  all  other  schools  were  Mencius  and  Hsun 
Tzu.  When  the  First  Emperor  of  the  Ch'in  dynasty  con- 
solidated the  whole  empire,  and  Li  Ssu,  pupil  of  Hsun  Tzu, 
became  the  prime  minister,  Confucianism  was  made  in 
339  (213  B.  C. ) a universal  religion  throughout  the  Chinese 
world,  although  this  tyrannical  emperor  did  not  give  religious 
freedom  to  the  people,  but  confined  authority  of  interpreta- 
tion to  the  government.3  The  life  of  the  Ch'in  dynasty, 
however,  was  short,  and  the  influence  of  the  different  schools 
was  still  felt  during  the  beginning  of  the  Han  dynasty.  It 
was  not  until  412  (140  B.  C.)  that  Han  Wu  Ti  accepted 
the  proposal  of  Tung  Chung-shu,  the  greatest  Confucian  of 
the  Han  dynasty,  to  abolish  all  other  religions  and  to  es- 
tablish Confucianism  as  the  only  one.  Then  all  the  other 
schools,  including  Moism,  died  out,  and  the  supremacy  of 
Confucianism  was  complete. 

During  the  Han  dynasty  (346-771,  or  206  B.  C.-220  A. 
D.),  the  influence  of  Confucianism  was  so  great  that  its 

1 Classics , vol.  ii,  pp.  235-247.  !Bk.  1. 

s Cf.  Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  7-9. 


44 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


Bible  served  not  only  as  a religious  book,  but  also  as  a legal 
code.  The  whole  Confucian  school  in  this  dynasty  may  be 
styled  the  canonistic  school.  During  the  Latter  Han  dy- 
nasty (576-771,  or  25-220  A.  D.)  especially,  the  moral  in- 
fluence produced  by  Confucianism  was  the  best  in  Chinese 
history.  Personal  honor  and  personal  liberty  were  the  first 
considerations;  and,  during  the  decay  of  this  dynasty,  the 
students  fighting  against  the  bad  government  sacrificed 
even  their  lives.  The  moral  standard  of  society  as  a whole 
was  very  high.  In  fact,  the  Han  dynasty,  although  not 
following  the  best  principles  of  Confucius,  proved  the  appli- 
cability of  Confucianism  to  practical  as  well  as  theoretical 
problems. 

After  the  Han  dynasty,  Confucianism  fell  into  a period 
of  decline.  Tsao  Tsao,  the  founder  of  the  Wei  dynasty,  in 
761  (210  A.  D.)  openly  decreed  official  employment  of  bad 
men,  and  destroyed  the  moral  influence  that  Confucianism 
had  exerted.  During  the  Wei  and  the  Tsin  dynasties  (77 1- 
867,  or  220-316  A.  D.),  Taoism  was  powerful;  and  during 
the  Southern  and  the  Northern  dynasties,  and  the  Sui  and 
the  Tang  dynasties  (868-1458,  or  317-907  A.  D.),  Buddhism 
prevailed.  Confucianism,  although  remaining  nominally 
the  state  religion,  had  lost  its  supremacy.  Nevertheless,  the 
governments,  especially  those  of  the  Northern  Wei,  the 
Northern  Chou  and  the  Tang  dynasties,  did  apply  some 
Confucian  principles  to  political  and  economic  problems,  so 
that  the  people  still  enjoyed  some  of  its  benefits.  There  was 
only  one  scholar,  Han  Yii  (13 19-1375,  or  768-824  A.  D.), 
who  fought  for  Confucianism,  and  against  Taoism  and 
Buddhism.  Han  Yii,  not  a deep  philosopher,  but  the  great- 
est writer  since  the  Han  dynasty,  gave  a death-blow  to 
Taoism  and  Buddhism  by  attacking  them  from  the  economic 
standpoint.  But  the  popular  study  of  this  period  was  liter- 
ature in  the  narrow  sense,  and  the  Confucian  philosophy 


HISTORICAL  MOVEMENTS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


45 


was  the  study  of  but  few.  Then  came  the  age  of  the  Five 
Dynasties  (1458-1511,  or  907-960  A.  D.)  which,  for  Con- 
fucianism, was  worst  of  all. 

But  such  a decline  had  to  come  to  an  end,  and  during  the 
Sung  dynasty  there  were  many  great  Confucians.  The 
greatest  of  these  was  Chu  Hsi  (1681-1751,  or  1130-1200 
A.  D.),  who  was  the  Martin  Luther  of  Confucianism  and 
whose  influence  is  still  strong  at  the  present  time.  He,  how- 
ever, was  a one-sided  reformer  who  emphasized  the  ethical 
teachings  of  Confucius,  and  omitted  his  religious  views; 
laid  stress  on  individual  character  and  neglected  social 
welfare.  In  this  dynasty,  there  was  a great  statesman  named 
WangAn-shih  (1572-1637,  or  1021-1086  A.  D.),  who  tried 
to  change  the  whole  of  society  by  economic  reforms.  There 
was  also  a school  called  Yungchia  (about  1714-1775,  or 
1163-1224  A.  D.),  that  advocated  material  welfare  as  well 
as  moral  cultivation.  But  both  failed  to  overcome  the  gen- 
eral influence  of  public  opinion,  and  the  scholars  usually 
paid  much  attention  to  philosophical  controversies  and  for- 
got practical  problems.  Passing  through  the  Yuan  and  the 
Ming  dynasties,  the  learning  was  not  different  from  that  of 
the  Sung  dynasty,  although  in  the  Ming  dynasty  there  was 
Wang  Shou-jen  (2023-2079,  or  1472-1528  A.  D.)  who  was 
rival  to  Chu  Hsi.  For  this  period  (1511-2194,  or  960-1643 
A.  D. ) the  whole  Confucian  school  may  be  styled  the  philo- 
sophical school. 

In  the  present  dynasty,  beginning  in  2195  (1644  A.  D.), 
Confucianism  has  been  in  the  period  of  renaissance.  There 
were  three  great  Confucians  at  the  beginning  of  this  dy- 
nasty: Ku  Yen-wu  (2163-2232,  or  1612-1681  A.  D.), 
Huang  Tsung-hsi  (2160-2246,  or  1609-1695  A.  D.),  and 
Wang  Fu-chih  (2178-2230,  or  1627-1679  A.  D.).  They 
did  not  belong  to  any  particular  school,  but  were  great  in 
many  lines.  Then  came  the  school  of  the  canonists.  First 


46  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

(about  2287-2371,  or  1736-1820  A.  D.),  they  turned  from 
the  learning  of  all  the  mediaeval  and  modern  dynasties  to  the 
school  of  Ancient  Literature  of  the  Latter  Han  dynasty. 
Second  (about  2372-2425,  or  1821-1874  A.  D. ),  they  went 
back  to  the  school  of  Modern  Literature  of  the  Former  Han 
dynasty,  and  new  thoughts  sprang  up.  Kung  Tsi-chin 
(born  in  2343,  or  1792  A.  D.)  and  Wei  Yuan  (died  in 
2407,  or  1856  A.  D.)  were  the  representatives  of  this  move- 
ment. In  the  present  day,  the  greatest  exponent  of  Con- 
fucius is  Kang  Yu-wei,  the  personal  advisor  of  Te  Tsung 
in  the  political  reforms  of  2449  (1898  A.  D.). 

We  may  roughly  sum  up  the  historical  movements  of 
Confucianism  under  six  heads : ( 1 ) the  school  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Great  Similarity,  emphasizing  liberty,  handed  down 
from  Tzu-yu,  Tzu-ssu  to  Mencius;  (2)  the  school  of  the 
doctrine  of  Small  Tranquillity,  emphasizing  government, 
handed  down  from  Chung-kung  to  Hsun  Tzu.  Li  Ssu 
applied  it  to  the  government  of  the  Ch'in  dynasty  (331,  or 
221  B.  C.),  and  it  has  lasted  to  the  present  day;  (3)  the 
theological  school,  drawn  from  the  whole  Bible,  and  espec- 
ially from  the  “ Great  Model  ” of  the  Canon  of  History,  the 
Canon  of  Changes,  and  the  Spring  and  Autumn.  Tung 
Chung-shu  and  Liu  Hsiang  were  conspicuous  representa- 
tives, but  this  school  was  practically  ended  after  the  Han 
dynasty;  (4)  the  ethical  school,  the  chief  element  of  Con- 
fucianism, and  highly  developed  in  the  Sung  and  the  Ming 
dynasties;  (5)  the  historical  school,  based  on  the  Canon  of 
History  and  the  Spring  and  Autumn.  Ssu-ma  Chien  and 
other  great  historians  were  the  representatives;  (6)  the 
school  of  literary  research  and  scientific  study,  set  forth 
by  Confucius,  and  popularly,  but  narrowly,  applied  in  the 
present  dynasty. 

So  far  as  we  can  see,  we  have  not  yet  come  to  the  best 
principles  of  Confucius.  There  have  been  many  causes 


HISTORICAL  MOVEMENTS  OF  CONFUCIANISM  47 

for  this,  but  the  influence  of  the  government  on  religion 
has  been  the  most  important  one.  With  a few  exceptions, 
the  mind  of  the  great  mass  of  students  has  been  controlled 
by  the  direction  of  the  government  and  this  has  greatly 
hampered  the  natural  development  of  Confucianism.  As 
soon  as  the  Chinese  shall  have  established  a constitutional 
government,  and  secured  perfect  freedom  of  thought,  Con- 
fucianism must  enter  on  a new  life.  Then  we  may  hope  to 
have  the  stage  of  Great  Similarity  for  the  whole  world. 


BOOK  II  RELATION  OF  ECONOMICS  TO 
OTHER  SCIENCES 


CHAPTER  V 

Economics  and  Other  Sciences  in  General 

I.  DEFINITION  OF  ECONOMICS 

The  equivalent  of  the  English  term  “ economics  ” in 
Chinese  is  “ administering  wealth.”  Such  a term  explains 
itself,  and  calls  for  no  definition.  Let  us,  however,  trace 
the  origin  of  the  term.  It  occurs  first  in  the  “ Appendix  ” of 
the  Canon  of  Changes  as  follows : “That  which  enables  men 
to  live  collectively,  is  wealth.  Administering  wealth,  formu- 
lating rules,  and  prohibiting  the  people  from  doing  wrong — 
this  is  called  justice.” 1 Since  the  “ Appendix  ” was 
written,  the  Chinese  have  usually  used  the  term  “ adminis- 
tering wealth  ” for  the  art  of  political  economy,  and  also 
for  the  science  of  economics.  But  the  modern  Japanese 
has  adopted  another  Chinese  term,  ching  chi,  for  the  word 
economics;  and  Herbert  A.  Giles  has  put  this  term,  ching 
chi,  in  his  Chinese-English  Dictionary  for  “ political  econ- 
omy ”.  The  term  ching  chi,  however,  has  a very  broad 
meaning,  and  is  not  a good  equivalent  for  the  word  eco- 
nomics. It  generally  means  statesmanship,  and  covers  the 
whole  field  of  governmental  action.  It  thus  belongs  to 
politics  rather  than  to  economics.  It  will  be  well,  there- 


48 


1 Yi  King,  p.  381. 


ECONOMICS  AND  OTHER  SCIENCES 


49 


fore,  to  keep  the  old  term  “ administering  wealth  ” as  the 
equivalent  of  economics,  since  it  is  much  more  accurate  and 
comprehensive  than  the  term  ching  chi. 

As  we  have  taken  the  scientific  term  from  the  Confucian 
text,  let  us  also  adopt  its  definition.  The  term  “ administer- 
ing wealth  ” covers  the  whole  field  of  economics.  “ Formu- 
lating rules  ” and  “ prohibiting  the  people  from  doing 
wrong  ” refer  respectively  to  the  ethical  and  political  life. 
All  three  of  these  aspects  of  life  should  be  directed  by  the 
principle  of  justice,  and  their  relations  will  be  stated  later. 
But  we  must  remember  that  the  object  of  “ administering 
wealth  ” is  man.  Our  reason  for  administering  wealth  is 
simply  that  men  are  living  collectively  and  need  wealth  to 
support  them.  Man  is  our  end,  and  wealth  our  means. 
From  this  we  get  as  a definition:  Economics  is  the  science 
administering  wealth  according  to  the  principle  of  justice, 
for  the  sake  of  men  who  live  collectively. 

II.  GENERAL  RELATION  TO  OTHER  SCIENCES 

From  the  above-quoted  passage  from  the  “ Appendix  ” of 
the  Canon  of  Changes,  we  can  understand  not  only  the 
meaning  of  economics,  but  also  its  relation  to  other  sci- 
ences. Since  the  chief  object  of  “ administering  wealth  ” is 
man,  and  man  living  collectively,  when  we  administer 
wealth,  we  must  deal  with  the  whole  body  of  men.  Thus 
economics  is  very  close  to  sociology.  All  the  social  sci- 
ences relate  to  man,  so  they  all  are  also  connected  with  eco- 
nomics. But  there  are  two  groups,  most  closely  related  to 
economics,  that  is,  the  moral  and  the  political  sciences.  We 
cannot  administer  wealth  in  society  without  “ formulating 
rules  ” as  to  what  is  right  and  what  is  wrong.  The  way  to 
“ formulate  rules  ” is  through  moral  teachings,  and  under 
this  heading  come  the  sciences  of  language,  education,  ethics 
and  religion.  We  cannot  administer  wealth  in  a society 


50 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


without  “ prohibiting  the  people  from  doing  wrong  This 
we  must  do  by  political  organizations,  and  in  this  group 
come  the  sciences  of  politics  and  law.  All  of  these  sciences 
— economics,  ethics,  and  politics — are  part  of  the  science 
of  justice,  and  they  form  a single  group.  But  of  them  all, 
economics  comes  first,  and  is  the  most  important.  If  we 
cannot  maintain  our  economic  life,  we  do  not  care  to  formu- 
late our  rules,  and  moral  science  is  useless;  we  do  not 
fear  the  prohibition  of  wrongdoing,  and  political  science 
is  without  force.  If  there  is  to  be  any  ethics  or  politics, 
there  must  be  economic  life  before  them.  The  “Appendix,” 
therefore,  tells  us  not  only  the  close  connection  of  economics 
with  other  sciences,  but  also  the  relatively  higher  importance 
of  economics. 

In  the  “Great  Model”  contained  in  the  Canon  of  History, 
there  are  eight  objects  of  government:  “ The  first  is  called 
food;  the  second,  commodities;  the  third,  sacrifices;  the 
fourth,  the  minister  of  works ; the  fifth,  the  minister  of  edu- 
cation; the  sixth,  the  minister  of  justice;  the  seventh,  the 
entertainment  of  guests;  and  the  eighth,  the  army.”  1 

These  eight  objects  of  government  are  simply  the  eight 
objects  of  human  activities.  We  can  understand  their  rela- 
tion to  each  other  from  their  order.  First  of  all,  food  is 
most  important,  to  satisfy  hunger;  and  this  word  indicates 
agricultural  life.  The  word  commodities  includes  all  other 
economic  goods,  among  which  money  holds  a prominent 
place,  and  indicates  commercial  and  industrial  life.  These 
two  words,  “ food  and  commodities  ”,  represent  the  whole 
economic  life,  and  they  stand  first  before  any  other  human 
activities.  After  the  material  wants  are  satisfied,  religious 
worship  begins.  Then  comes  in  the  minister  of  works,  to 
improve  the  physical  environment ; the  minister  of  education, 


Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  p.  327. 


ECONOMICS  AND  OTHER  SCIENCES 


51 


to  develop  the  intellectual  and  moral  power;  and  the  min- 
ister of  justice,  to  enforce  the  law.  Now,  the  life  of  polite 
society  is  developed,  and  this  is  called  the  entertainment  of 
guests.  Finally,  the  army  is  maintained  to  keep  the  whole 
society  in  peace. 

If  we  compare  the  eight  objects  of  the  “ Great  Model  ” 
with  the  seven  sciences  that  Roscher  groups  together — lan- 
guage, religion,  art,  science,  law,  the  state  and  economy — we 
may  say  that  art  and  science  are  included  in  the  functions  of 
the  minister  of  works  and  the  minister  of  education,  that 
language  is  implied  in  education,  and  that  the  state  is  repre- 
sented by  all  eight  objects.  If  we  compare  them  with  the 
eight  groups  of  Prof.  R.  T.  Ely — language,  art,  education, 
religion,  family  life,  society  life,  political  life,  economic  life 
— we  may  say  that  the  family  life  is  a concern  of  the  min- 
ister of  education.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  statement  of 
the  Confucian  Bible  is  so  similar  to  that  of  the  modern 
economists. 

It  should  be  noted  that  all  the  great  historians,  except 
Ssu-ma  Chien,  have  entitled  all  the  economic  histories  of 
different  dynasties  “ Record  of  Food  and  Commodities  ”. 
This  shows  what  great  influence  Confucianism  exercises 
upon  the  economic  thought  of  the  Chinese. 

From  the  “ Great  Model,”  we  have  seen  the  relation  of 
economics  to  other  sciences  in  general ; and  from  the  “ Ap- 
pendix ”,  we  have  seen  the  relation  of  economics  to  soci- 
ology, politics  and  ethics  in  particular.  Now,  we  shall  study 
the  relation  of  economics  to  these  three  sciences  separately. 


CHAPTER  VI 


Economics  and  Sociology 

I.  ECONOMICS  AS  THE  BASIS  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Since  economics  is  the  science  which  administers  wealth 
within  human  society,  we  shall  consider  first  the  relation  be- 
tween economics  and  sociology.  In  order  to  understand  this 
relation,  we  must  first  raise  the  question,  How  does  society 
come  to  exist?  For  the  answer  to  this  question,  the  “ Ap- 
pendix ” has  given  the  statement  quoted  above,  “ That  which 
enables  men  to  live  collectively,  is  wealth.”  Therefore, 
sociology  is  dependent  upon  economics.  If  there  were  no 
wealth,  men  could  not  live  collectively,  and  there  would 
be  no  society.  Before  many  men  can  live  collectively,  man 
must  live  individually.  The  individual  man  cannot  live 
without  wealth,  but  can  live  without  society,  because  he  can 
get  wealth  from  nature  instead  of  men.  Therefore,  eco- 
nomics precedes  sociology. 

For  the  explanation  of  the  fundamental  cause  of  the 
formation  of  co-operative  groups,  Hsun  Tzu  gives  a good 
sociological  theory,  and  it  answers  the  question  as  to  why 
society  comes  to  exist.  He  says : 

The  water  and  fire  have  breath,  but  without  life.  The  herb 
and  wood  have  life,  but  without  knowledge.  The  bird  and 
beast  have  knowledge,  but  without  justice.  Man  has  breath, 
life,  knowledge,  and  also  justice ; hence  he  is  the  noblest  being 
in  the  world.  His  strength  is  not  equal  to  that  of  the  bull, 
and  his  running  is  not  equal  to  that  of  the  horse ; yet  the  bull 
and  horse  are  subjected  to  him.  Why  ? It  is  because  man 
52 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


S3 


is  able  to  be  social  and  they  are  not.  How  is  man  able  to  be 
social  ? It  is  by  the  principle  of  individual  right.  How  can 
the  individual  right  be  realized  ? By  justice.  Therefore, 
justice  and  individual  right  make  men  harmonious.  Since 
men  are  harmonious,  they  form  one  unity.  Since  they  form 
one  unity,  they  increase  their  strength.  Increasing  their 
strength,  they  become  strong.  Since  they  are  strong,  they 
conquer  the  natural  things.  Hence,  the  house  can  be  secured 
for  their  safety.  Hence,  they  arrange  the  four  seasons,  master 
all  things,  and  benefit  the  world  universally.  It  is  for  no  other 
cause  than  that  man  possesses  right  and  justice.  Therefore, 
when  man  is  born,  he  cannot  get  along  without  society.  But 
if  society  did  not  distribute  the  individual  right  justly,  men 
would  quarrel.  If  they  were  to  quarrel,  society  would  be  dis- 
orderly. If  society  were  disorderly,  men  would  be  disunited. 
If  men  were  disunited,  they  would  be  weak.  If  they  were 
weak,  they  could  not  conquer  natural  things.  Hence,  the  house 
could  not  be  secured  for  their  safety.  All  of  which  means 
that  rites  and  justice  cannot  be  left  out  for  a moment.1 

According  to  the  theory  of  Hsun  Tzu,  society  is  based  on 
legal  rights,  and  legal  rights  are  based  on  ethical  justice. 
But  the  reason  men  form  a society  is  simply  because  they 
want  to  unite  in  order  to  conquer  the  natural  things  through 
their  collective  activities.  Therefore,  the  struggle  between 
men  and  animals  is  the  chief  cause  for  the  formation  of 
society.  Having  society,  they  are  strong  enough  to  con- 
quer these  things,  otherwise  they  cannot;  and  so  men  sur- 
vive through  being  social — a foreshadowing  of  the  prin- 
ciple of  “ natural  selection  ” in  explaining  the  development 
of  sociality.  Indeed,  in  men’s  economic  needs  is  found  the 
primary  cause  of  the  formation  of  society. 

Pan  Ku  (583-643  A.  K.  or  32-92  A.  D.)  says: 

Imitating  the  manner  of  heaven  and  earth,  embracing  the 

1 Bk.  ix. 


54  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

nature  of  the  five  moral  constants,  man,  who  is  wise,  subtile 
and  pure,  is  the  most  intelligent  being  of  all  the  species. 
His  finger  nails  and  his  teeth  cannot  supply  his  wants.  His 
running  cannot  escape  dangers.  He  himself  has  no  fur  nor 
feather  against  heat  and  cold.  He  must  enslave  natural 
things  in  order  to  provide  for  his  nourishment.  Trusting  to 
intellectual  power  and  not  to  physical  strength,  he  is  the 
noble  being.  Therefore,  if  men  did  not  love  each  other,  they 
could  not  be  social.  If  they  were  not  social,  they  could  not 
conquer  natural  things.  If  they  could  not  conquer  natural 
things,  their  nourishment  would  be  insufficient.  When  they 
gather  together,  but  their  nourishment  is  insufficient,  the 
warring  spirit  arises.  The  great  sage  first  superexcellently 
practises  the  virtues  of  respect,  deference,  and  universal  love, 
so  that  the  mass  of  people  love  and  follow  him.  If  the  people 
follow  him  and  form  a society,  he  is  the  ruler.  If  the  people 
come  and  go  to  him,  he  is  the  king.1 

According  to  the  theory  of  Pan  Ku,  society  is  based  on 
love.  But  why  should  men  love  each  other  and  form  a 
society?  This  is  simply  because  men  have  to  conquer 
nature  for  their  nourishment.  Here,  Pan  Ku  gives  the  same 
reason  for  the  formation  of  society  as  that  which  is  given 
by  Hsun  Tzu,  namely,  economic  utility.  But  Hsun  Tzu 
mentions  the  house  because  he  emphasizes  the  struggle  for 
safety,  while  Pan  Ku  mentions  nourishment,  because  he  em- 
phasizes the  struggle  for  subsistence.  Yet  their  fundamental 
point  is  the  same. 

The  social  constitution  is  established  not  always  accord- 
ing to  the  idea  of  the  sages,  but  mostly  through  the  histori- 
cal development  of  actual  conditions.  And  this  actual  con- 
dition is  based  on  economic  causes,  namely,  the  struggle 

‘History  of  Han , ch.  xxiii.  The  word  “society”  and  the  word 
“ruler”  in  the  Chinese  language  are  both  pronounced  chiin,  and  the 
words  “go”  and  “king,”  wang.  In  the  Chinese  characters,  the 
words  in  each  pair  have  also  marked  similarity  in  form. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


55 

for  existence.  In  his  “ Essay  on  Feudalism  ”,  Liu  Chung- 
yiian  (1324-1370  A.  K.  or  773-819  A.  D.)  says: 

In  the  beginning'  man  is  born  at  the  same  time  with  other 
things.  The  vegetable  kingdom  is  wild,  and  the  animal  king- 
dom is  cruel.  Man  cannot  fight  with  his  hand  and  eat  with 
his  mouth,  as  can  the  beast.  He  also  has  no  feathers,  as  has 
the  bird.  He  is  unable  to  be  self-supporting  and  self-protect- 
ing. Hsun  Tzu  has  said  that  he  must  borrow  some  material 
things  from  outside  for  his  use.  Generally,  if  he  borrows 
some  material  things  from  outside,  struggle  or  war  must  arise. 
If  the  war  is  ceaseless,  he  must  come  to  one  who  can  decide 
the  dispute,  and  must  obey  his  dictate.  Those  who  are  the 
wise  men  must  have  a great  number  of  subjects.  When  the 
wise  men  tell  them  what  is  right  and  they  do  not  correct 
themselves,  punishment  must  be  used  to  increase  their  fear. 
In  this  way,  the  ruler,  the  leader,  laws  and  politics  arise. 
Therefore,  the  men  of  the  neighborhood  organize  themselves 
into  a society.  But,  when  the  society  is  formed,  the  division 
is  sharper,  and  the  war  must  be  greater.  When  the  war  is 
greater,  military  force  and  personal  virtue  are  more  import- 
ant. If  there  are  those  who  possess  the  greater  virtue,  the 
leaders  of  various  societies  will  come  to  them  and  obey  their 
dictate,  in  order  to  keep  their  members  peaceful.  Hence,  the 
class  of  feudal  lords  exists ; but  the  war  is  still  greater.  If 
there  are  those  who  possess  still  greater  virtue,  the  feudal 
lords  will  come  to  them  and  obey  their  dictate,  in  order  to 
keep  their  territory  peaceful.  Hence,  some  sort  of  leading 
princes  exist ; but  the  war  is  still  greater.  If  there  is  a man 
whose  virtue  is  greatest  of  all,  the  leading  princes  will  come 
to  him  and  obey  his  dictate,  in  order  to  keep  all  the  people 
peaceful.  Then  the  whole  world  is  united  into  one.  There- 
fore, there  must  be  first  the  masters  of  towns,  then  the  magis- 
trates of  districts.  Having  the  magistrates,  then  come  the 
feudal  lords.  Having  the  feudal  lords,  then  come  the  leading 
princes.  Having  leading  princes,  then  arises  the  emperor. 
From  the  emperor  to  the  town-master,  if  their  virtue  has 


5 6 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

impressed  the  mind  of  the  people,  the  people  certainly  sup- 
port their  posterity,  after  their  death,  in  holding-  their  office 
through  hereditary  right.  Therefore,  feudalism  is  not  the 
idea  of  the  sages,  but  only  the  necessity  of  the  condition. 

According-  to  Hsun  Tzu,  society  is  based  on  justice;  ac- 
cording to  Pan  Ku,  on  love;  and  according  to  Liu  Chung- 
yiian,  on  necessity.  These  three  theories — legal,  ethical  and 
historical — are  correct,  although  they  are  from  different 
points  of  view.  But  why  does  society  come  to  exist?  On 
this  point,  they  give  the  same  answer.  Man  is  physically 
weaker  than  other  animals.  If  he  wants  to  conquer  other 
things,  or  enslave  them,  or  borrow  them  from  outside,  he 
must  make  himself  stronger.  If  he  wants  to  make  himself 
stronger,  he  must  co-operate  with  his  fellows.  If  he  co- 
operates with  his  fellows,  such  a society  must  be  based  on 
justice,  love  and  necessity  to  avoid  war  and  keep  peace. 
Therefore,  society  is  the  result,  but  economic  life  is  the 
cause.  Had  the  human  being  had  no  economic  needs,  so- 
ciety would  not  exist.  Why  do  men  regard  social  justice 
and  observe  individual  right?  Why  do  men  love  each  other 
and  restrain  the  warring  spirit?  Why  do  men  make  war 
against  each  other  before  society  is  formed,  and  why  is  the 
war  still  greater  when  that  society  is  larger?  Why  do  the 
warlike  animals  subdue  their  passions  and  come  to  the  arbi- 
trator, obey  the  law  of  the  ruler  and  keep  peace  among 
themselves?  It  is  simply  for  their  own  interest.  But  their 
own  interest  is  nothing  greater  than  the  economic  interest. 
In  a word,  society  is  an  organization  carrying  on  the  strug- 
gle for  existence  in  collective  form.  Ethics  and  law,  re- 
ligion and  politics,  love  and  hatred,  peace  and  war,  justice 
and  injustice,  all  of  them  are  the  results  of  economic  causes. 
Indeed,  economic  interest  is  the  basis  of  everything.  Ac- 
cording to  Liu  Chung-ytian,  war  continues  among  the  dif- 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


57 


erent  sizes  of  societies,  and  it  ceases  only  in  the  unification 
of  the  whole  world.  It  is  the  doctrine  of  “great  uniformity” 
of  Confucius.  But,  in  the  past,  the  world  from  the  Chinese 
point  of  view  was  fictitious ; in  the  present,  the  world  is  the 
real  one.  By  the  application  of  “ great  uniformity  ” to  the 
real  world,  the  whole  world  will  be  equalized  into  a single 
economic  unit,  and  industrialism  instead  of  militarism  will 
dominate  the  globe.  In  short,  world  economy  is  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problems  of  world  sociology,  and  it  is  the  step 
to  the  stage  of  Great  Similarity. 

II.  ECONOMICS  AS  THE  BASIS  OF  RELIGION 

As  religion  is  a great  force  in  social  life,  we  may  ask 
how  it  comes  to  exist.  Tne  answer  to  this  question  is  given 
by  Confucius,  who  says: 

The  first  development  of  religion  began  with  food  and  drink. 
Primitive  people  roasted  millet  and  pieces  of  pork  on  heated 
stones ; they  excavated  the  ground  in  the  form  of  a jar,  and 
scooped  the  wine  from  it  with  their  two  hands  ; they  fashioned 
a handle  of  clay,  and  struck  with  it  an  earthen  drum.  Simple 
as  this  economic  life  was,  they  yet  seemed  to  be  able  to  ex- 
press by  these  things  their  reverence  for  spiritual  beings.1 

That  is,  food  and  drink  follow  heaven  and  earth,  and  wor- 
ship follows  food  and  drink.  This  means  that  immediately 
after  the  creation  of  heaven  and  earth,  as  soon  as  there  is  a 
man,  there  must  be  economic  life;  and  that  the  religious  life 
comes  next.  The  “ Great  Model,”  therefore,  puts  “ sacri- 
fices ” next  only  to  “ food  and  commodities  ”.  Indeed,  eco- 
nomic satisfaction  is  the  condition  necessary  for  the  de- 
velopment of  religion. 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  368. 


-8  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


III.  ORIGIN  OF  MAN 

Since  economics  and  sociology  are  interdependent,  we 
should  study  the  sociological  teachings  of  Confucius  in 
order  the  better  to  understand  his  economic  teachings. 
Among  all  his  sociological  teachings,  there  is  nothing  more 
important  than  the  doctrines  of  the  fatherhood  of  God 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man.  With  these  doctrines  as  a 
basis,  there  arise  the  principle  of  universal  love,  the  prin- 
ciple of  universal  equality,  and  the  principle  of  individual 
independence.  We  may  designate  these  doctrines  by  a 
phrase — the  origin  of  man.  One  cannot  understand  the 
foundations  of  society  until  he  knows  the  origin  of  man, 
but  he  cannot  think  of  the  origin  of  man  until  he  satisfies  his 
economic  wants. 

We  have  already  said  that  the  word  Yiian  is  similar  to 
the  word  God  and  that  they  are  different  only  from  differ- 
ent points  of  view.  However,  we  shall  discuss  them  more 
fully,  and  take  up  the  doctrine  of  Yuan  first.  The  word 
Yiian  is  the  first  word  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  and 
it  is  the  chief  principle  of  Confucius’  philosophy.  Or- 
dinarily, one  says  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  so  and  so, 
but  Confucius  says,  “ yiian  year  ” instead  of  the  first  year. 
Ho  Hsiu  comments : “ Yiian  is  the  infinite  breath,  from 
which  the  immaterial  things  arise  and  the  material  things 
are  separated.  It  creates  heaven  and  earth,  and  it  is  the 
beginning  of  heaven  and  earth.”  This  is  the  theory  of 
creation  in  Confucianism.  The  Many  Dewdrops  of  the 
Spring  and  Autumn  1 says:  “ Only  the  holy  man  can  relate 
the  myriad  of  things  to  one  and  subject  them  to  the  Yiian. 
. . . Yiian  means  the  origin.  . . . Yiian  is  the  root  of 
everything,  upon  which  the  origin  of  man  depends.  Where 
is  the  origin  of  man?  It  precedes  heaven  and  earth.”  The 


Written  by  Tung  Chung-shu,  bk.  xiii. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


59 


Canon  of  Changes  says:  “How  great  the  masculine  Yuan 
is ! All  things  owe  to  it  their  beginning.  It  governs  the 
heavens.”  1 

Yuan  is  the  ruling  power  governing  the  whole  universe. 
It  is  interpreted  most  clearly  by  Ho  Hsiu,  who  says,  “ Yuan 
is  the  infinite  breath.”  In  fact,  it  is  the  natural  and  origi- 
nating force  of  everything.  In  the  “ Evolution  of  Civiliza- 
tion,” it  is  called  Grand  Unity.2  In  the  “ Appendix,”  it 
is  called  Grand  Summit.3  But  the  name  of  Grand  Unity 
can  be  changed  into  the  word  Heaven  in  the  “ Evolution 
of  Civilization,”  and  the  word  Heaven  is  identified  with  the 
word  God  in  many  places.  Therefore,  the  word  Yuan  is 
identified  with  the  word  God.  The  reason  Confucius  pre- 
fers the  word  Yuan  to  the  word  God  is  because  Yuan  is 
infinite,  while  God  is  personal.  Indeed,  Confucius  writes 
from  the  philosophical  rather  than  from  the  religious  point 
of  view. 

Since  Yuan  is  the  origin  of  everything,  the  origin  of  man 
must  be  derived  from  it.  But  it  is  not  only  the  origin  of 
man,  but  also  the  origin  of  the  heavens.  Therefore,  man 
may  originally  have  come  from  Yuan  either  at  the  same 
time  with  the  heavens,  or  afterward,  or  even  before  them. 
This  doctrine  is  the  highest  theological  stage.  It  makes 
every  man  free  from  supernatural  power,  and  dependent 
upon  his  own  conscience.  According  to  this  doctrine,  we 
may  call  Yuan  our  father,  instead  of  God;  and  we  may  call 
not  only  all  men  our  brothers,  but  even  all  the  heavens. 
Wearing  the  heavens,  and  standing  upon  the  earth,  how 
noble  is  man!  All  that  man  can  do  and  all  that  he  ought 
to  do  are  merely  the  duties  of  man,  and  nothing  else.  The 
■object  of  man  is  simply  to  be  a man.  Man  is  not  only  the 
son  of  God,  but  also  his  assistant  and  his  co-ordinate. 

' Vi  King,  p.  213.  'Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  386. 

s Yi  King,  p.  3U- 


6o  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


We  now  come  to  the  doctrine  of  the  fatherhood  of  God 
proper,  stated  very  clearly  in  Ku^liang’s  Commentary, 
which  says : 

The  female  alone  cannot  give  birth ; the  male  alone  cannot 
give  birth ; and  God  alone  cannot  give  birth.  The  three  must 
unite  together,  then  there  is  a birth.  Therefore,  we  may  call 
anyone  either  the  son  of  his  mother,  or  the  son  of  God.  But, 
according  to  his  social  position,  the  honorable  person  takes 
the  honorable  designation,  while  the  common  people  take  the 
common  one.  That  some  one  is  called  king  is  simply  because 
the  people  come  to  him.1 

This  is  the  doctrine  of  the  trinity  in  the  Confucian  religion; 
it  means  that  the  union  of  father,  mother,  and  God,  gives 
birth  to  everyone.  The  Many  Dewdrops  of  the  Spring  and 
Autumn  says:  “ There  never  has  been  a birth  without  the 
influence  of  God.  God  is  the  father  of  everything.”  2 

The  doctrine  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  has  already  been 
included  in  the  doctrine  of  the  fatherhood  of  God.  But  we 
may  quote  two  passages  showing  this  doctrine  separately. 
Confucius  says:  “All  within  the  four  seas  are  brothers.”  3 
Again  he  says : “ A holy  man  is  able  to  make  the  whole 
world  as  one  family,  and  the  Middle  Kingdom  as  one  per- 
son.” 4 Therefore,  from  Confucius’  point  of  view,  the  whole 
world  is  but  a single  family,  and  all  the  men  are  brothers  of 
this  same  family. 

The  best  explanation  for  the  principle  of  universal  love 
is  given  by  Chang  Tsai,  a great  Confucian  in  the  Sung  dy- 
nasty (1571-1628,  or  1020-1077  A.  D.).  He  says: 

The  virtue  of  Heaven  is  called  our  Father,  and  the  virtue  of 
Earth  is  called  our  Mother.  Although  we  are  small  beings,  we 

*3rd  year  of  Duke  Chuang.  2Bk.  lxx. 

3 Quoted  by  Tzu-hsia,  Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  253. 

*Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  379. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


61 


are  their  mixture  and  stand  firmly  in  the  middle.  Therefore, 
the  full  breath  of  Heaven  and  Earth  is  our  body,  and  the  strong 
spirit  of  Heaven  and  Earth  is  our  mind.  All  people  are  our 
brothers,  and  all  things  are  our  companions.  The  great  ruler 
is  the  heir  of  our  Parents,  and  the  great  minister  is  his  steward. 
To  respect  the  seniors  of  the  world  is  to  honor  our  older 
brothers,  and  to  pity  the  weak  is  to  help  our  younger  brothers. 
The  holy  men  are  those  who  possess  virtue  equal  to  that  of  our 
Parents,  and  the  wise  men  are  the  leaders  of  ourselves.  All 
the  unfortunate  persons  of  the  world,  through  physical  weari- 
ness, old  age,  severe  sickness,  the  brotherless,  childless,  widow- 
ers and  widows,  are  calamitous  and  helpless  brothers  of  our 
own.1 

As  to  the  principle  of  universal  equality,  we  may  look 
at  it  from  two  aspects.  First,  from  the  religious  aspect,  not 
only  the  founder  of  a religion  is  the  son  of  God,  but  every- 
one is  the  son  of  God.  On  this  point,  Confucianism  is  more 
democratic  than  Christianity,  because  the  Confucians  never 
say  that  Confucius  is  the  “ only  begotten  son  ” of  God. 
Mencius  says : “ The  holy  man  and  we  are  the  same  in 
kind.” 2 The  Confucian  religion  gives  full  freedom  of 
thought  to  everybody,3  and  promotes  everybody  to  the  high- 
est position,  equal  to  God.  The  Confucian  church  has 
never  had  such  a head  as  the  pope,  and  the  Chinese  emperor 
is  not  the  head  of  the  church.  Throughout  the  whole  of 
Chinese  history,  no  blood  has  ever  been  shed  on  account 
of  religious  controversy.  In  a word,  China  enjoys  com- 
plete religious  freedom. 

Second,  from  the  political  aspect,  not  only  is  the  em- 
peror the  son  of  God,  but  every  one  is  the  son  of  God. 
In  Confucianism,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  the  “ divine 
right  ” theory.  Five  hundred  and  seventy-one  years  be- 

1 Correction  of  the  Youth,  ch.  xvii. 

s Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  405.  5 Yi  King,  p.  389. 


6 2 the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


fore  Confucius,  Chou  Wu  Wang  cut  off  the  head  of  the 
Emperor  Chou,  and  put  it  on  the  top  of  a flag.  Confucius 
said  that  the  revolution  of  Wu  Wang  was  in  accordance 
with  the  will  of  God.1  Mencius  also  said  that  the  act 
of  Wu  Wang  was  not  that  of  a regicide,  but  simply  the 
execution  of  an  outcast.2  From  343  to  350  A.  K.  (209- 
202  B.  C. ) China  had  as  great  a revolution  as  had  France 
in  2341  A.  K.  (1790  A.  D. ).  By  this  great  revolution,  the 
common  people  began  to  rule  the  empire.  Hence,  China 
has  been  at  the  stage  of  democracy  since  this  revolution, 
although  in  many  respects  she  did  not  change  the  mon- 
archical form.  The  General  Discussion  in  the  White  Tiger 
Palace 3 says:  “The  nomination,  ‘The  Son  of  God,’  [em- 
peror], is  merely  an  honorable  title.”  Indeed,  China  has 
been  the  most  democratic  country  of  the  world,  with  the 
exception  of  the  really  constitutional  states  at  the  present 
time. 

The  best  illustration  of  the  principle  of  individual  inde- 
pendence is  given  in  the  General  Discussion  in  the  White 
Tiger  Palace.  It  says : 

Why  should  a father  be  executed  for  killing  his  son?  ‘‘Among 
all  the  lives  given  by  Heaven  and  Earth,  that  of  man  is  the 
noblest.”  All  men  are  the  children  of  God,  and  are  merely 
born  through  the  breath  of  father  and  mother.  The  emperor 
should  nourish  and  teach  them.  Hence  the  father  has  no 
absolute  power  over  his  son.4 

This  is  a very  important  principle  of  Confucius.  Unless 
we  understand  it,  we  might  make  the  mistake  of  thinking 
that  in  accordance  with  the  teachings  of  Confucius  a father 
has  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  his  son,  and  the  son  has 
no  independence.  But  this  is  not  the  case.  In  a family, 

1 Yi  King , p.  254.  5 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  167. 

‘Written  by  Pan  Ku  in  630  (79  A.  D.),  bk.  i.  4Bk.  v. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


63 

one  is  the  son  of  his  father;  in  a state,  he  is  the  citizen  of 
the  emperor;  in  the  universe,  he  is  the  son  of  God.  There- 
fore, according  to  the  Canon  of  History,  the  punishment 
for  the  unkind  father  is  equal  to  that  for  the  undutiful  son, 
and  no  member  of  the  family  is  responsible  for  the  crime  of 
any  other  member.1 

This  is  personal  liberty.  But  we  should  consider  also 
personal  responsibility.  Confucius  puts  great  emphasis  on 
the  cultivation  of  personality.  The  “ Great  Learning  ” says  : 
“ From  the  emperor  down  to  the  mass  of  the  people,  all 
must  consider  the  cultivation  of  personality  the  root  of 
everything  besides.”  2 Ts'eng  Tzu  says : “ One  cannot  be  a 
student  without  breadth  of  mind  and  vigorous  endurance. 
His  responsibility  is  heavy  and  his  way  is  long.  He  as- 
sumes universal  love  as  his  own  responsibility; — is  it  not 
heavy  ? Only  with  death  does  his  way  come  to  an  end ; — 
is  it  not  long?”  3 This  is  the  type  of  student  from  the  Con- 
fucian  standpoint.  After  Mencius,  Lu  Chiu-yiian  (1691- 
1743  A.  K.  or  1140-1192  A.  D.)  and  Wang  Shou-jen  dis- 
tinguished their  school  on  the  basis  of  personal  liberty  and 
personal  responsibility.  The  teachings  of  Lu  Chiu-yiian 
are  as  follows : “ Even  if  I do  not  know  a single  word,  I 
must  try  my  best  to  become  a man  gloriously.”  “ While 
above  is  heaven  and  below  is  earth,  man  lives  in  the  middle. 
Unless  he  is  able  to  become  a man,  his  life  is  of  no  use.” 
Indeed,  the  Confucians  put  a great  deal  of  emphasis  on 
personal  responsibility,  since  man  is  the  son  of  God  and  is 
independent. 

IV.  POSITION  OF  WOMAN 

Next  to  the  origin  of  man,  the  most  important  question 
is  the  position  of  woman.  Since  man  and  woman  are  the 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iii.  pt.  ii,  pp.  392-3. 

’ Classics , vol.  i,  p.  395.  5 Ibid..,  pp.  210-21 1. 


64  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


two  component  parts  of  society,  her  position  is  very  im- 
portant, not  only  for  the  social  life,  but  also  for  the  eco- 
nomic life.  Therefore,  we  shall  study  her  position  from  the 
point  of  view  of  Confucius. 

First,  according  to  the  teachings  of  Confucius,  the  posi- 
tion of  woman  is  equal  to  that  of  man.  From  the  emperor 
to  the  common  people,  the  wife  of  each  is  his  equal.  There- 
fore, the  word  wife  means  equal.  And  the  Canon  of 
Changes  even  says  that  with  the  repression  of  the  one  for 
the  satisfaction  of  the  other,  man  is  placed  below  woman 
in  relative  position.1  Hence,  the  relation  of  husband  and 
wife  is  called  “ brothers  ” by  Confucius.2  And  the  Canon 
of  Poetry  also  says:  “ Love  your  bride  as  your  brothers.”  3 

For  the  equality  of  man  and  woman,  Confucius  pre- 
scribes the  rite  of  “ personal  receiving  ” as  a necessary 
ceremony  for  marriage,  that  is,  the  bridegroom  must  go  to 
the  bride’s  home  to  receive  her  personally.  This  rite  is 
necessary  for  all  classes,  not  excepting  even  the  emperor. 
In  the  Canon  of  Poetry  and  the  Spring  and  Autumn , there 
are  many  condemnations  of  those  who  do  not  observe  this 
rite.  Confucius  was  asked  by  Duke  Ai  of  Lu  if  to  wear  a 
crown  for  the  exercise  of  “ personal  receiving  ” would  be 
too  ceremonious.  Confucius  answered  him  by  saying  that 
an  emperor  must  pay  respect  to  his  wife.4  Indeed,  the  rite 
of  “ personal  receiving  ” is  to  indicate  the  principle  of  re- 
spect for  woman.  Mo  Tzu  attacked  Confucius  on  this  point 
by  saying  that  one  is  as  respectful  and  humble  as  a servant 
to  his  wife;  that  the  ceremony  of  taking  her  to  the  carriage 
is  like  the  service  due  to  one’s  parents;  and  that  all  the 

1 Yi  King , p.  238. 

2 Cf.  Li  Ai,  bk.  v,  p.  320.  But  it  is  incorrectly  translated. 

Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  p.  54. 

* Li  Ki,  bk.  xxiv,  pp.  264-6. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


65 

ceremonies  of  marriage  are  as  solemn  as  those  of  sacrifices.1 
From  the  argument  of  Mo  Tzu,  we  know  clearly  that  Con- 
fucius raised  the  position  of  woman  very  high. 

Another  example  illustrating  the  equality  of  man  and 
woman  is  that  the  married  woman  preserves  her  own  name 
after  marriage.  We  shall  see  that  Confucius  regards  the 
name  of  anyone  as  very  important  as  it  identifies  the 
personailty  and  is  dearer  even  than  life.2  If  anyone  can- 
not have  his  own  name,  it  means  that  he  loses  his  per- 
sonality and  cannot  leave  any  mark  upon  the  world.  This 
is  the  worst  of  calamities.  Europeans  and  Americans  are 
proud  of  the  high  position  of  their  women,  but  the  married 
woman  must  give  up  her  own  name,  and  adopt  the  name 
of  her  husband,  being  known  as  Mrs.  So-and-so.  This 
means  that  she  cannot  keep  her  individuality  and  is  merely 
a dependant  of  her  husband ; whereas,  among  the  Chinese, 
the  married  woman  has  her  individual  name.  In  the 
Spring  and  Autumn,  Confucius  always  gives  the  name  of 
the  women  themselves,  such  as  Po-chi,  Shu-chi,  Chi-chi, 
Chung-tzu,  Ch‘eng-feng,  etc.  It  shows  that  woman  does  not 
lose  her  individuality  after  marriage,  and  that  she  is  equal 
to  man. 

Second,  we  shall  consider  the  separation  of  the  two 
sexes.  This  was  an  old  custom,  and  was  recognized  by  Con- 
fucius. The  “ Details  of  Rites  ” says: 

Man  and  woman  should  not  sit  together  in  the  same  apart- 
ment, . . . nor  let  their  hands  touch  in  giving  and  receiving. 
A sister-in-law  and  brother-in-law  do  not  interchange  compli- 
ments about  each  other.  . . . When  a young  lady  has  been 
engaged,  ...  no  man  should  enter  the  door  of  her  apartment, 
unless  there  be  some  grave  occasion  [such  as  great  sickness, 
or  death,  or  other  great  calamity] . When  a married  aunt,  or 
sister,  or  daughter,  returns  home  on  a visit,  no  brother  of  the 

1 Bk.  xix.  JS te  infra. 


66  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


family  should  sit  with  her  on  the  same  mat  or  eat  with  her 
from  the  same  dish.  Even  father  and  daughter  should  not 
occupy  the  same  mat.  Man  and  woman,  without  the  inter- 
vention of  the  matchmaker,  do  not  know  each  other’s  name. 
Unless  the  engagement  has  been  accepted,  there  should  be  no 
communication  or  affection  between  them.1 2 

Since  human  nature  is  universally  the  same,  the  social 
life  of  the  Far  East  cannot  differ  very  much  from  that  of 
the  West.  Therefore,  the  separation  of  the  two  sexes  was 
not  the  original  plan  in  China.  In  the  Canon  of  Poetry, 
there  are  many  poems  describing  a social  life  quite  like 
that  of  the  West  to-day.  We  may  select  two  stanzas  from 
two  poems  for  examples.  The  one  reads  this  way : 

The  Tsin  and  the  Wei, 

Now  present  their  broad  sheets  of  water. 

Ladies  and  gentlemen 

Are  carrying  flowers  of  valerian. 

A lady  says,  “Shall  we  go  to  see  ?” 

A gentleman  replies,  “ I have  already  been.” 

“ But  let  us  go  again  to  see. 

Beyond  the  Wei 

The  ground  is  large  and  fit  for  pleasure.” 

So  the  gentlemen  and  ladies 
Make  sport  together, 

Presenting  one  another  with  small  peonies.1 
The  other  reads  as  follows: 

[The  girl]  goes  out  on  a fine  morning  ; 

Then  [the  boy  and  girl]  proceed  together. 

“ I look  on  you  as  the  flower  of  the  thorny  mallows  ; 

You  give  me  a stalk  of  the  pepper  plant  !”3 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  pp.  77-8. 

2 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  p.  148.  s Ibid.,  p.  207. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY  67 

From  what  has  been  described  by  the  two  stanzas,  the 
reader  may  not  find  any  difference  in  the  social  life  of  the 
West  and  China;  and  he  may  not  see  any  wrong  in  such  a 
gathering  of  the  two  sexes.  But  Confucius  puts  them  in 
the  Canon  of  Poetry  as  bad  examples  of  a lewd  custom. 
The  separation  of  the  sexes  was  indeed  generally  approved 
by  the  ancient  Chinese,  but  such  a theory  was  strengthened 
very  much  by  Confucius. 

The  separation  of  the  sexes  was  developed  on  historical 
facts.  Formerly,  when  the  princes  called  on  each  other, 
the  princess  came  out  with  her  husband  for  the  “ great 
entertainment  ” of  the  guests.  But,  the  Marquis  of  Yang, 
on  such  an  occasion,  killed  the  Marquis  of  Mu,  and  stole 
away  his  wife.  This  is  something  like  the  story  of  the 
Trojan  War,  when  Paris  visited  the  Spartan  king,  Mene- 
laus,  and  took  away  secretly  his  wife,  Helen.  According  to 
Confucius,  the  abolition  of  the  practice  of  making  a princess 
part  of  the  “ great  entertainment  ” was  due  to  the  Marquis 
of  Yang.1  From  this  instance,  we  can  see  that  the  sexes 
were  not  formerly  separated  so  severely  as  in  later  times. 
But  such  a custom  was  gradually  developed  in  many  cases, 
even  long  before  the  age  of  Confucius. 

The  simple  reason  for  the  separation  of  the  sexes  is  for 
the  preventing  of  illicit  intercourse.  Confucius  says : 

The  ceremonial  usages  prevent  the  people  from  excesses  ; they 
display  the  separation  which  should  be  maintained  between 
the  sexes  ; and  they  make  the  people  free  from  suspicion,  in 
order  to  define  the  relations  of  the  people.  Therefore,  man 
and  woman  do  not  make  friendship  when  there  is  no  go-be- 
tween, and  they  do  not  meet  together  when  there  is  no  cere- 
monial present ; — these  are  for  the  distinction  between  the 
two  sexes.3 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxvii,  p.  298. 

'Ibid.,  p.  297.  But  its  translation  has  left  out  a few  sentences. 


68  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


Although  the  separation  of  the  two  sexes  has  raised  the 
standard  of  morality,  it  has  retarded  economic  development. 
Montesquieu  says : 

The  society  of  the  fair  sex  spoils  the  manners  and  forms  the 
taste ; the  desire  of  giving  greater  pleasure  than  others  estab- 
lishes the  embellishments  of  dress  ; and  the  desire  of  pleasing 
others  more  than  ourselves  gives  rise  to  fashions.  This 
fashion  is  a subject  of  importance ; by  encouraging  a trifling 
turn  of  mind,  it  continually  increases  the  branches  of  its  com- 
merce.1 

From  this  statement  of  Montesquieu,  we  may  understand 
why  the  economic  condition  of  China  has  been  stationary 
for  so  long  a time.  The  chief  reason  for  it  is  that  the 
Chinese  woman  has  been  separated  from  the  man,  so  that 
social  life  is  dry  and  commercial  development  slow.  Setting 
aside  the  question  of  right  and  wrong,  woman  is,  in- 
deed, the  spice  of  society,  and  the  promoter  of  economic 
progress.  But  the  ancient  Chinese,  although  they  might 
have  realized  the  economic  advantage  of  letting  woman 
share  society  with  man,  were  afraid  of  the  moral  disad- 
vantage, her  possible  loss  of  chastity. 

We  must  understand,  however,  that  the  separation  of 
the  sexes  does  not  mean  that  woman  is  not  the  equal  of 
man.  Of  course,  in  a paternal  society,  woman  inevi- 
tably suffers  many  disadvantages.  But.  as  far  as  the 
separation  is  concerned,  woman  is  equal  to  man.  Though 
women  cannot  join  the  social  gatherings  of  men,  and 
so  lose  a great  amount  of  social  pleasure,  on  the  other 
hand,  men  cannot  share  the  social  gatherings  of  women, 
and  they,  too,  suffer  the  loss  of  such  social  pleasure.  On 
this  point,  man  never  can  have  more  privileges  than  woman, 

1 Spirit  of  Laws,  vol.  i,  p.  318.  Bohn’s  Library,  George  Bell  & 
Sons,  1906. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


69 

although  he  belongs  to  the  more  fortunate  sex  and  may 
enjoy  some  things  which  woman  cannot  have.  Thus,  the 
fundamental  principle  of  equality  is  not  altered  by  the 
separation. 

Third,  we  shall  see  that  Confucius  has  sanctioned  the 
social  intercourse  of  man  and  woman.  According  to  his 
tsing  tint  system,  during  the  winter,  from  the  tenth  month 
to  the  first,  men  and  women  should  work  together  at 
weaving  in  the  same  street  from  evening  to  midnight.  This 
is  an  extremely  unusual  example  of  the  commingling  of  the 
sexes  and  the  promotion  of  social  intercourse.  Moreover, 
during  these  four  months,  whenever  men  and  women  have 
any  dissatisfaction,  the  two  sexes  may  sing  together  to  ex- 
press their  discontent.1  This  affords  great  freedom  of  social 
contact  of  the  two  sexes. 

Again,  according  to  the  principles  of  Spring  and  Autumn, 
the  queen  and  princess  must  have  teachers  and  nurses.  The 
teachers,  who  are  selected  from  the  old  great  officials,  look 
after  their  conduct.  The  nurses,  who  are  selected  from  the 
wives  of  the  great  officials,  look  after  their  physical  wel- 
fare.2 This  principle  is  quite  significant.  As  soon  as  the 
old  great  officials  can  be  selected  as  the  teachers  of  the 
queen  and  princess,  the  separation  of  men  and  women  is 
destroyed.  Therefore,  separation  is  not  the  ideal  of  Con- 
fucius, but  only  a necessary  custom  for  the  time  being. 

Fourth,  the  political  rights  of  woman  are  given  to  her  by 
Confucius,  and  these  rights  are  indicated  in  the  instance  of 
holding  office.  This  principle  is  one  of  the  most  valuable 
things  mentioned  in  the  Spring  and  Autumn.  Under  the 
tsing  tien  system  of  Confucius,  if  the  women  have  no 
children  at  the  age  of  fifty,  they  are  to  be  given  clothes  and 
food  by  the  government ; and  they  are  to  be  appointed 

'The  Annotation  of  Knng-yang,  15th  year  of  Duke  Hsiian. 

’30th  year  of  Duke  Hsiang. 


70 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


commissioners  for  the  collection  of  poetry  from  the  people.1 
This  shows  that  Confucius  thinks  that  women  are  qualified 
to  hold  government  office.  Since  the  commission  of  col- 
lecting poetry  is  equal  to  the  imperial  commission  of  to-day, 
it  is  quite  different  from  inferior  service.  Moreover,  it 
implies  that  the  education  of  women  should  be  very  high, 
otherwise  they  could  not  take  the  office  and  could  not 
understand  poetry.  This  principle  will  have  great  im- 
portance in  the  future. 

Fifth,  we  may  learn  that  the  absolute  independence  of 
woman  is  the  final  stage  of  the  doctrine  of  Confucius.  We 
have  already  seen  that  in  the  Great  Similarity  there  is  no 
marriage,  but  we  shall  discuss  this  more  fully  here.  The 
stage  of  Small  Tranquillity  accepts  all  the  present  institu- 
tions, but  that  of  Great  Similarity  does  not.  The  funda- 
mental difference  between  these  two  stages  is  the  independ- 
ence of  woman,  and  it  forms  the  basis  for  the  changes  from 
Small  Tranquillity  to  Great  Similarity.  Therefore,  in  the 
Small  Tranquillity,  Confucius  mentions  all  the  family  rela- 
tions, such  as  father  and  son,  brothers,  husband  and  wife. 
But,  in  the  Great  Similarity,  he  does  not  mention  them  at 
all,  and  says  that  “ men  do  not  regard  as  their  parents  only 
their  own  parents,  nor  treat  as  their  children  only  their  own 
children.”  Here  Confucius  does  not  use  the  words  husband 
and  wife,  but  uses  the  words  man  and  woman.  “ Each 
man  has  his  rights,  and  each  woman  her  individuality  safe- 
guarded,” are  the  two  fundamental  bases  of  Great  Similar- 
ity. But  how  can  this  be?  It  is  simply  that  they  have  to 
abolish  the  institution  of  marriage. 

What  Confucius  means  by  “ each  woman  has  her  indi- 
viduality safeguarded  ” is  that  she  is  not  the  wife  of  any 
man.  She  has  her  individual  personality,  and  in  all  things 


15th  year  of  Duke  Hsiian. 


ECONOMICS  AND  SOCIOLOGY 


7 1 


depends  upon  herself.  She  does  not  lose  any  individuality 
on  account  of  sexual  relations  to  man.  When  she  loves  a 
man,  it  is  simply  like  the  act  of  shaking  hands  or  dancing 
with  a man,  and  she  does  not  become  the  property  of  man. 
Kang  Yu-wei,  in  the  fifth  book  of  his  Book  on  the  Great 
Similarity,1  has  given  a very  good  explanation  of  this  prin- 
ciple. His  theory  is  something  like  this.  The  institution 
of  marriage  is  changed  to  a legal  agreement  of  love,  and 
the  names  of  husband  and  wife  are  abolished.  Such  an 
agreement  must  be  limited  to  a certain  length  of  time.  When 
it  expires,  the  contracting  parties  may  either  dissolve  im- 
mediately, or  renew  it  successively  until  the  end  of  their 
life,  or  dissolve  first  and  renew  it  again  in  later  times.  In 
fact,  there  is  perfect  freedom  for  them  to  do  what  they  want 
in  accordance  with  their  true  love.  The  time  limit  of  an 
agreement  is  not  longer  than  one  year,  nor  shorter  than  one 
month. 

If  the  tie  of  marriage  is  destroyed,  however,  the  func- 
tions of  the  family  must  be  handed  over  to  the  state.  There- 
fore, the  sixth  book  treats  of  the  substitution  of  the  state  for 
the  family.  In  the  Great  Similarity,  the  state  is  a world 
republic.  All  the  people  are  cared  for  by  the  state.  As 
soon  as  a woman  is  pregnant,  she  must  go  to  the  “ school  of 
gestatory  education  ” in  order  to  teach  the  child  before  he  is 
born.  At  the  age  of  twenty,  the  child’s  education  is  com- 
pleted, and  he  is  independent  and  may  go  his  own  way.  After 
the  age  of  sixty,  he  can  live  in  the  “ house  of  old  age  ” until 
he  dies.  Indeed,  the  state  is  the  large  family  for  everybody. 
Only  in  this  way  can  woman  get  absolute  independence. 

Apart  from  the  doctrine  of  Great  Similarity  given  by 
Confucius,  the  ancient  Chinese  never  talked  of  the  abolition 

'This  book  has  not  been  published  yet,  but  Kang  Yu-wei  kindly  sent 
the  author  a duplicate  of  the  manuscript. 


72 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


of  marriage.  The  only  exception  to  this  was  Lieh  Tzu,  a 
philosopher  in  the  period  of  Warring  States.  He  describes 
a Utopian  state  called  Extreme  North,  where  everything 
is  very  happy  and  pleasant.  As  to  the  social  relations,  he 
gives  the  following  four  sentences : “ The  old  and  young 
live  equally;  there  is  no  ruler,  nor  minister.  The  men  and 
women  ramble  together;  there  is  no  matchmaker,  nor  en- 
gagement.” 1 This  is  a picture  somewhat  like  that  of  the 
Great  Similarity. 

In  conclusion,  the  position  of  woman  is  this:  funda- 
mentally woman  is  the  equal  of  man.  But,  in  the  Disor- 
derly Stage,  the  separation  of  the  two  sexes  is  advisable ; in 
the  Advancing  Peace  Stage,  social  intercourse  between  the 
sexes  is  suitable;  in  the  Extreme  Peace  Stage,  the  absolute 
independence  of  woman  is  most  lovely  and  just.  All  these 
are  harmonious  with  the  doctrine  of  the  Three  Stages  of 
Confucius. 


*Bk.  v. 


CHAPTER  VII 


Economics  and  Politics 

I.  ECONOMICS  AS  THE  BASIS  OF  POLITICS 

In  order  to  understand  the  relation  between  economics 
and  politics,  let  us  take  the  “ System  of  Yao,”  the  first  book 
of  the  Canon  of  History,  written  by  Confucius  to  represent 
his  political  program.  According  to  this,  the  whole  govern- 
ment is  divided  into  nine  departments.  The  first  one  is  the 
department  of  water  and  earth,  the  interior  department  as- 
signed to  the  prime  minister;  the  second,  that  of  agriculture; 
the  third,  that  of  education;  the  fourth,  that  of  justice;  the 
fifth,  that  of  labor;  the  sixth,  that  of  natural  resources, 
charged  with  the  forests,  the  animals  and  the  mines;  the 
seventh,  that  of  religion;  the  eighth,  that  of  music;  the 
ninth,  that  of  communication,  the  mediator  between  the  em- 
peror and  the  people.  Of  the  nine  departments,  none  is 
for  personal  service  to  the  emperor,  showing  the  principle  of 
democracy,  and  none  for  the  preparation  of  war,  indicating 
the  principle  of  peace.  But  four  departments  out  of  the 
nine — the  first,  the  second,  the  fifth  and  the  sixth — are 
charged  with  economic  functions.  From  the  second  book 
of  the  Canon  of  History,  it  appears  that  the  functions  of 
commerce  are  included  in  the  first  department.1  There- 
fore, the  whole  government  is,  in  large  part,  a tool  for  eco- 
nomic development.  Indeed,  if  there  were  no  economics, 
there  would  be  no  politics;  the  government  exists  chiefly  for 


See  infra. 


73 


74 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


economic  reasons.  It  is  not  a military,  but  an  industrial 
society. 

In  the  Analects,  also,  there  is  a chapter  showing  very 
clearly  the  relation  between  economics  and  politics.  When 
Yen  Yuan,  Confucius’  best  pupil,  modestly  puts  his  ques- 
tion with  reference  to  the  government  of  a state,  he  really 
asks  how  the  government  of  a universal  empire  should  be 
administered.  The  answer  of  Confucius  is : 

Adopt  the  calendar  of  the  Hsia  dynasty.  Ride  in  the  state 
carriage  of  the  Yin  dynasty.  Wear  the  crown  of  the  Chou  dy- 
nasty. Imitate  the  music  of  Shao  and  Wu.  Banish  the  tunes 
of  Cheng,  and  keep  far  from  specious  talkers.  The  tunes  of 
Cheng  are  licentious ; specious  talkers  are  dangerous.1 

This  chapter  has  been  highly  praised  by  all  scholars  through 
all  ages,  but  none  has  understood  the  meaning  of  it.  Its 
exact  meaning  is  similar  to  that  of  the  last  chapter  of 
the  “ Great  Learning.”  The  subject  of  that  chapter  is  the 
governing  of  the  state  and  the  equalizing  of  the  whole 
world,  and  there  are  only  two  ways  to  realize  such  a 
purpose,  namely,  administering  wealth  and  employing  the 
best  men.  This  chapter  has  exactly  these  two  principles. 
Keeping  far  from  specious  talkers  is  the  negative  form 
of  stating  the  principle  of  employing  the  best  men.  All 
the  four  positive  rules  are  economic  principles.  The  cal- 
endar of  Hsia  is  most  seasonable;  to  adopt  it  means  to 
keep  the  agricultural  works  in  the  best  time.  The  carriage 
of  Yin  is  most  economical  and  lasting;  to  ride  in  it  means 
to  promote  commerce  by  means  of  economical  and  lasting 
transportation.  The  crown  of  Chou  is  most  beautiful ; to 
wear  it  means  to  raise  the  standard  of  workmanship.  These 
three  things,  calendar,  carriage  and  crown,  refer  to  agri- 


Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  297-8. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


75 


culture,  commerce,  and  industry  respectively.  These  three 
sentences  are  more  concerned  with  the  production  of  wealth 
than  with  its  consumption,  while  the  fourth  sentence,  which 
mentions  music,  refers  to  consumption.  The  music  of  Shao 
belonging  to  Shun  and  that  of  Wu  belonging  to  Wu  Wang, 
both  are  the  best  music  of  the  ancients ; to  imitate  them 
means  to  better  the  standard  of  life  in  the  most  refined  stage, 
while  to  banish  the  tunes  of  Cheng  is  simply  to  prevent 
excess  of  pleasure.  Therefore,  Confucius  gives  Yen  Yuan 
six  rules,  four  positive  and  two  negative;  but  five  rules  out 
of  the  six  are  economic  principles.  In  fact,  the  first  way 
of  governing  either  a state  or  a universal  empire  is  to 
reform  economic  life,  and  the  second  way  is  to  employ  good 
men.  These  are  the  essential  meanings  of  this  chapter,  al- 
though Confucius  uses  figures  of  speech.  Unless  we  under- 
stand that  Confucius  refers  to  economic  principles,  how  can 
we  explain  how  a calendar,  a carriage,  and  a crown  have 
anything  to  do  with  the  governing  of  a state  or  a universal 
empire?  According  to  the  old  interpretation,  the  answer  of 
Confucius  has  no  significance.  But  according  to  our  inter- 
pretation, it  means  that  the  chief  concern  of  a government  is 
economic  life. 

Mencius  also  recognizes  that  economics  is  the  chief  object 
of  politics.  When  the  Marquis  Wen  of  Teng  asks  him 
about  the  proper  way  of  governing  a state,  he  replies  : “ The 
business  of  the  people  should  not  be  remissly  neglected.” 
What  he  means  by  the  business  of  the  people  is  their 
economic  life.  Then  he  explains  the  importance  to  the 
people  of  permanent  property  as  that  which  he  has  told 
the  King  Hsiian  of  Ch'i,1  and  his  conclusion  for  the  better- 
ment of  their  economic  condition  is  the  tsing  tien  sys- 
tem.2 The  answer  of  Mencius  is  quite  significant.  What 


1 See  infra. 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  239-245. 


y6  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

the  Marquis  asks  about  is  the  business  of  the  state — politics. 
But  what  Mencius  discusses  in  his  answer  is  the  business  of 
the  people— economics.  It  seems  that  Mencius  does  not 

answer  directly  the  question  of  the  Marquis.  But  he  really 
answers  him  from  the  fundamental  point  of  view.  For  the 
business  of  the  people  is  the  chief  business  of  the  state;  and 
if  a ruler  can  attend  to  such  business  earnestly,  he  will 
govern  the  state  well.  In  short,  besides  economics,  there  is 
no  politics,  and  true  politics  is  economics. 

II.  POLITICS  AS  THE  PROMOTER  OF  ECONOMIC  LIFE 

While  economic  forces  form  the  basis  of  political  or- 
ganization. political  organization  in  turn  promotes  economic 
development.  Mencius  says:  “Without  the  great  prin- 
ciples of  government  and  its  various  activities,  wealth  will 
not  be  sufficient.”  1 Therefore,  the  economic  needs  are  the 
causes  for  the  existence  of  government,  and  a good  govern- 
ment is  also  the  cause  of  successful  economic  life. 

The  simplest  reason  for  the  economic  development  of  a 
good  government  is  given  in  the  “ Great  Commentary  ” : 

When  a ruler  attaches  importance  to  the  state,  he  loves  the 
people.  When  he  loves  the  people,  punishments  and  penal- 
ties are  just.  When  punishments  and  penalties  are  just,  the 
people  are  peaceful.  When  people  are  peaceful,  wealth  is 
sufficient.  When  wealth  is  sufficient,  all  purposes  can  be 
realized/ 

Judging  from  this  reasoning,  economic  development  is  based 
on  legal  development.  When  legal  development  comes 
to  the  stage  of  just  punishments  and  penalties,  the  people 
can  engage  peacefully  in  different  occupations,  and  the  pro- 
duction of  wealth  may  be  sufficient.  This  is  the  type  of 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  483. 

lLi  Ki,  bk.  xiv,  p.  67. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


77 


patriarchal  government.  But,  even  in  the  democratic  gov- 
ernment of  modern  time,  economic  development  is  still  based 
on  legal  justice.  If  there  were  no  good  law,  there  could  not 
be  great  industries.  Therefore,  good  government  is  nec- 
essary for  economic  development,  and  politics  paves  the 
way  for  economics. 

III.  GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  GOVERNMENT 

Since  politics  paves  the  way  for  economics,  we  should 
study  the  political  teachings  of  Confucius  in  order  to  under- 
stand the  background  for  his  economic  principles.  There- 
fore, we  shall  study  first  his  principles  of  government  in 
general,  and  then  his  system  of  instruction  in  particular. 
If  we  take  these  as  illustrating  Confucius’  political  views, 
we  shall  understand  the  economic  principles  in  his  mind, 
i.  Imperial  Democracy 

According  to  Confucius,  the  external  form  of  government 
is  monarchical,  but  the  fundamental  principle  of  it  is  demo- 
cratic. The  four  parts  of  the  Canon  of  Poetry  all  begin 
with  Wen  Wang,  who  represents  the  type  of  constitutional 
monarchy.  The  Canon  of  History  begins  with  Yao  and 
Shun,  who  represent  the  type  of  republic.  The  Spring  and 
Autumn  begins  with  Wen  Wang  and  ends  with  Yao  and 
Shun.  These  are  enough  to  show  that  in  the  ideal  govern- 
ment of  Confucius  the  sovereign  power  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  people.  Of  course,  Confucius  teaches  the  people  to  be 
loyal  to  their  ruler;  but  what  he  means  by  a ruler  is  the 
man  who  has  the  best  character  and  talents.  The  “ Great 
Learning  ” gives  a very  good  definition  of  the  patriarchal 
government  of  Confucius.  It  says : “ Loving  what  the 
people  love,  and  hating  what  the  people  hate:  this  is  he  who 
is  called  the  parent  of  the  people.”  As  soon  as  the  people 
turn  away  from  their  ruler,  he  is  no  longer  to  be  a ruler,  but 
a single  fellow.  If  he  is  a bad  man,  according  to  the 


78  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

“ Great  Learning,”  he  will  be  executed  by  the  people  of  the 
whole  world.1  Tyrannicide  is  recognixed  as  a great  deed 
by  all  great  Confucians,  because  they  do  not  recognize  the 
tyrant  as  a ruler. 

Confucius  himself  has  the  revolutionary  idea;  in  the 
Canon  of  Changes,  he  gives  a book  entitled  “ Revolution.” 
He  says : “ Heaven  and  earth  are  revolutionary,  so  that 
the  four  seasons  complete  their  functions.  The  revolutions 
of  T‘ang  and  of  Wu  were  in  accordance  with  the  will  of 
God  and  in  response  to  the  wishes  of  men.  Great  indeed  is 
what  takes  place  in  a time  of  revolution.”  2 When  Con- 
fucius reads  the  Poetry  about  the  revolution  changing  the 
Yin  dynasty  to  the  Chou  dynasty,  he  exclaims:  “If  there 
were  no  revolution,  what  could  make  the  emperor  and 
princes  take  precaution,  and  what  could  make  the  common 
people  keep  up  their  ambition?”3  From  this  exclamation, 
we  know  that  Confucius  does  not  regard  the  king  as  sacred, 
and  that  he  gives  the  common  people  the  right  of  being 
king.  The  reason  Confucius  is  sometimes  in  favor  of  im- 
perialism or  absolute  monarchy  is  because,  for  the  time 
being,  he  wants  to  do  away  with  feudalism;  but  his  funda- 
mental idea  is  democracy. 

The  principle  of  democracy  is  most  clearly  set  forth  by 
Mencius  as  follows : “ The  people  are  the  most  important 
element ; the  state  is  the  next ; and  the  ruler  is  the  least. 
Therefore,  to  gain  the  mass  of  people  is  the  way  to  become 
emperor ; to  gain  the  emperor  is  the  way  to  become  a prince 
of  a feudal  state;  and  to  gain  the  prince  is  the  way  to  become 
a great  official.”  4 By  this  statement,  Mencius  means  that 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  374 

5 Yi  King , p.  254. 

3 History  of  Han,  ch.  xxxvi. 

* Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  483-4- 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


79 


the  emperor  should  hold  his  place  by  popular  consent,  and 
the  prince  should  be  appointed  by  the  emperor,  and  the 
great  official  by  the  prince.  Since  the  appointive  governor 
of  the  province  took  the  place  of  the  hereditary  prince  of 
the  feudal  state,  the  last  two  things  have  been  realized  in 
China ; but  the  first  never  has  been  realized,  except  in  the 
negative  form  of  revolution.  But  that  the  sovereign  power 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  people  is  the  fundamental  concept  of 
the  Confucians.1 


2.  State  Government 

For  the  government  of  the  feudal  state,  Confucius  gives 
the  following  general  principles:  “To  rule  a state  of  a 
thousand  chariots,  there  must  be  reverent  attention  to  busi- 
ness, and  sincerity  to  the  people;  economy  in  expenditure, 
and  love  for  the  people;  and  the  employment  of  the  people 
at  the  proper  seasons.”  2 These  principles  are  the  theories 
of  Confucius’  political  economy.  Under  such  a govern- 
ment, the  people  are  encouraged  to  work  and  enjoy  their  oc- 
cupations, to  care  first  for  public,  and  then  for  private 
welfare. 

3.  Local  Government 

By  the  tsing  tien  system  of  Confucius,  a village  is  a 
unit  of  political  division,  which  consists  of  eighty  families. 
In  a village,  the  people  elect  aged  and  virtuous  men  called 
patriarchs,  and  eloquent  and  strong  men  called  justices. 
The  official  rank  of  the  patriarchs  is  equal  to  that  of  the 
subordinates  of  the  educational  department,  and  that  of  the 
justices  is  equal  to  that  of  the  common  people  who  are  em- 
ployed about  the  government  offices.  Both  of  them  receive 
double  shares  of  land,  and  ride  on  horseback.  They  are 
the  people  themselves;  but  at  the  same  time,  they  are  offi- 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  354-9.  5 Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  140. 


go  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


cials  among  the  people.  Therefore,  their  administration  is 
so  efficient  in  detail  as  to  extend  from  the  morning  to  the 
midnight,  from  the  field  to  the  town,  from  the  man  to  the 
woman,  and  from  the  physical  to  the  intellectual  and  moral 
life.  These  numerous  things  can  be  done  only  by  the  system 
of  self-government. 

4.  Freedom  of  Speech 

I11  an  imperial  democracy,  the  government  is  really  ruled 
by  public  opinion,  and  the  way  to  get  public  opinion  is  by 
freedom  of  speech  in  the  form  of  poetry.  According  to  the 
tsing  tien  system  of  Confucius,  from  the  tenth  month 
to  the  first  month,  the  people  live  in  town.  If  they 
have  any  cause  for  dissatisfaction,  men  and  women 
sing  together  to  express  their  discontent  in  the  form  of 
poetry.  Those  who  are  hungry  sing  about  their  food; 
and  those  who  are  tired,  about  their  business.  Indeed, 
their  economic  conditions  are  their  principal  subjects.  They 
have,  however,  the  absolute  freedom  of  choosing  any 
subject,  referring  either  to  themselves  or  to  the  court  and 
government.  The  principal  thing  is  the  style  in  which  the 
reproof  is  cunningly  insinuated.  The  authors  of  the  poetry 
give  no  offence,  but  the  hearers  of  it  are  warned. 

Men  at  the  age  of  sixty  and  women  at  that  of  fifty,  if 
they  have  no  children,  are  supported  by  the  government, 
and  are  appointed  commissioners  for  the  collection  of 
poetry.  In  the  first  month,  when  the  people  are  about  to 
leave  the  town  for  the  field,  the  commissioners  ring  out  the 
wooden-tongued  bell  along  the  roads  in  order  to  collect 
poetry  from  the  people.  From  the  village,  the  poetry  is 
transferred  to  the  town;  then  to  the  capital  of  the  feudal 
states;  and  at  last  it  comes  to  the  imperial  government. 
After  the  Grand  Music-master  arranges  the  poetry  accord- 
ing to  its  style  and  tune,  it  is  presented  to  the  emperor. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


8l 


Therefore,  even  if  the  emperor  does  not  go  out  of  the  door, 
he  understands  all  the  grievances  of  the  empire;  and  even 
if  he  does  not  come  down  from  the  palace,  he  knows  about 
the  four  quarters.  Hence  poetry  forms  the  basis  of  gov- 
ernment. 

In  the  Canon  of  Poetry,  the  three  hundred  and  five  poems( 
are  the  remainder  of  ancient  poetry  edited  by  Confucius. 
Their  functions  are  equal  to  those  of  newspapers;  both  are 
the  description  of  daily  life  of  the  people  and  the  expres- 
sion of  public  opinion.  That  the  poetry  had  fulfilled  such 
functions  shows  that  there  had  been  freedom  of  speech. 

5.  Morals  v.  Law 

Under  the  tsing  tien  system,  people  can  live  sufficiently 
well,  so  that  they  can  understand  what  is  honor  and  what 
is  dishonor.  As  their  virtue  has  been  refined,  they  become 
moderate  in  their  concern  for  wealth,  and  are  complaisant 
toward  others.  Hence,  there  is  no  dispute  nor  litigation. 
Men  are  governed  not  by  the  legal  code,  but  by  the  moral 
law.  Such  a society  is  higher  than  the  so-called  law-gov- 
erned society,  because  there  is  self-respect  without  the  need 
of  law.  The  legal  code  must  be  limited  to  a certain  num- 
ber of  acts,  and  the  people  may  escape  the  law  when  it  does 
not  literally  specify  the  act ; but  the  moral  law  is  unlimited 
and  is  a matter  of  spirit  rather  than  letter.  Legislation  is 
enforced  by  external  power  after  the  deed  is  done,  and  pre- 
vents only  the  bad  act,  while  moral  law  is  enforced  by  in- 
ternal conscience.  Not  only  does  it  prevent  the  bad  thought, 
but  it  also  makes  them  good.  Therefore  Confucius  says: 
“ In  hearing  litigations,  I am  like  any  one  else.  What 
is  necessary,  however,  is  to  cause  the  people  to  have  no 
litigations.”1  Again,  Confucius  says: 

If  the  people  be  led  by  laws,  and  uniformity  be  sought  to  be 
1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  257. 


82  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


given  them  by  punishments,  they  will  try  to  avoid  the  punish- 
ment, but  have  no  sense  of  shame.  If  they  be  led  by  virtue, 
and  uniformity  be  sought  to  be  given  them  by  the  rules  of  pro- 
priety, they  will  have  the  sense  of  shame,  and  moreover  will 
become  good.1 

In  fact,  in  the  government  system  of  Confucius,  there  is 
much  legislation,  but  more  emphasis  is  laid  on  the  moral 
than  on  the  legal  side. 

IV.  SYSTEM  OF  INSTRUCTION 

The  system  of  instruction  is  the  fountain  of  democracy 
in  the  political  system  of  Confucius.  The  reason  we  use 
the  word  instruction  instead  of  education  is  because  the 
former  is  broader  in  sense  than  the  latter.  We  may  divide 
the  word  instruction  into  three  great  branches,  namely,  edu- 
cation, religion,  and  election.  They  are  all  together  the 
same  stream.  Education  is  one  source,  and  religion  is  the 
other,  while  election  is  the  flow.  In  Confucianism,  religion 
is  really  included  in  education,  because  the  word  education 
itself  means  intellectual  education,  while  the  word  religion 
means  ethical  education.  For  the  convenience  of  our  read- 
ers, however,  we  may  put  religion  in  a separate  section  in 
order  to  make  a comparison  between  China  and  the  West. 
The  only  thing  we  should  remember  is  that  the  system  of 
instruction  is  a whole.  According  to  the  political  system  of 
Confucius,  the  tsing  tien  system  and  the  instruction  sys- 
tem are  the  two  greatest  things,  and  they  must  go  together, 
although  the  former  precedes  the  latter.  Therefore,  if  we 
are  going  to  study  the  economic  system  of  Confucius  repre- 
sented by  tsing  tien,  we  should  know  something  about  his 
system  of  instruction. 

i.  Universally  Free  Education 

After  the  people  can  make  their  living  and  thus  satisfy 
1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  146. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


83 

their  physical  needs,  development  of  mind  and  character  is 
necessary.  Then  the  educational  system  arises.  According 
to  Confucius,  in  the  center  of  a village  which  contains 
eighty  families,  there  is  a schoolhouse.  The  aged  and  virtu- 
ous men  are  elected  “ patriarchs  ”,  and  are  teachers  of  the 
school ; usually,  they  come  from  the  retired  officials  of  the 
government.  Such  a school  of  a village  is  called  a local 
school.  It  opens  in  the  tenth  month  when  the  agricultural 
work  has  been  finished,  and  closes  in  the  first  month,  when 
this  work  begins  again.  At  eight  years  of  age,  the  chil- 
dren begin  to  go  to  school,  and  study  reading  and  writing, 
mathematics  and  geography,  and  the  ethical  rules  of  family 
and  society.  This  is  the  most  popular  education,  and  is  the 
basis  of  all  the  higher  schools. 

There  are  different  grades  of  schools.  The  local  school 
of  the  village  is  the  lowest  grade.  Then  come  successively 
the  district  school,  the  provincial  college,  and  the  national 
university.  The  highest  one  is  the  imperial  university.  The 
local  school  is  in  every  village;  the  district  school,  in  every 
district;  the  provincial  college,  in  every  province;  the  na- 
tional university,  in  every  capital  city  of  every  feudal  state ; 
and  the  imperial  university,  in  the  imperial  capital.1  Thus 
educational  institutions  exist  over  the  whole  empire.  They 
are  all  public  schools  and  are  maintained  by  the  different 
governments : hence  they  are  all  free.  The  school  system 
was  an  actual  system  of  the  ancients,  although  it  may  not 
have  been  so  complete  as  the  Confucians  prescribe.  In  an- 
cient times,  the  different  institutions  were  used  not  only  as 
schools,  but  also  as  churches,  and  for  political  meetings, 
social  gatherings,  and  even  military  councils.2 

Regarding  the  training  of  the  different  schools,  all  those 
below  the  imperial  university  are  called  small  learning;  the 


Li  Ki , bk.  xvi,  p.  83. 


3 liiu.,  bk.  iii,  p.  220. 


84  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

latter  is  called  great  learning.  The  lowest  age  for  the  great 
learning  is  fifteen,  and  the  highest  is  twenty.  The  subjects 
of  study  are  the  different  civilizations  of  the  ancients  and 
the  social  and  political  institutions  of  the  present.  The 
“ Record  of  Education  ” says : 

Every  year  new  students  may  enter  the  imperial  university, 
and  every  alternate  year  there  is  a comparative  examination. 
At  the  end  of  the  first  year,  the  examination  is  to  see  whether 
they  can  read  the  texts  intelligently,  and  what  the  individual 
taste  of  each  is ; in  the  third  year,  whether  they  are  reverently 
attentive  to  their  work,  and  what  companionship  is  most 
pleasant  to  them  ; in  the  fifth  year,  how  they  extend  their 
studies  and  seek  the  company  of  their  teachers  ; in  the  seventh 
year,  how  they  can  discuss  the  subjects  of  their  studies  and 
select  their  friends.  They  are  now  said  to  have  made  some 
small  accomplishments.  In  the  ninth  year,  when  they  know 
the  different  relative  subjects  and  have  gained  general  in- 
telligence, establishing  themselves  firmly  so  that  they  cannot 
be  moved,  they  are  said  to  have  made  some  great  accom- 
plishments.1 

In  every  one  of  these  five  examinations,  the  students  are 
examined  from  two  points  of  view : one  is  knowledge,  and 
the  other  is  character.  To  balance  mental  and  moral  train- 
ing is  the  Chinese  system  of  education,  handed  down  from 
Confucius.  In  fact,  the  educational  system  of  Confucius 
has  been  partially  carried  out  in  different  periods. 

2.  Social  Religion  and  Freedom  of  Belief 
In  the  Chinese  language,  the  word  religion  is  not  ex- 
actly the  same  as  in  English.  The  Chinese  word  chiao 
means  instruction;  hence  it  stands  for  education  as  well  as 
for  religion.  But  the  word  chiao  in  the  religious  sense 
of  the  Chinese  means  moral  teachings;  sometimes  it  in- 


Li  Ki,  bk.  xvi,  pp.  83-4. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS  85 

eludes  even  the  whole  of  civilization.  Therefore,  what  the 
Chinese  call  religion  is  moral,  social  and  philosophical  rather 
than  spiritual.  As  the  word  chiao  means  both  education 
and  religion,  an  educational  institution  is  a church  as  well 
as  a school.  According  to  Mencius,  the  object  of  all  the 
schools  of  the  Three  Dynasties  is  to  illustrate  the  human 
relations.1  Even  in  the  present  day,  in  the  Confucian 
Churches  over  the  whole  empire,  there  is  a hall  called  “ II- 
lustrating-Human-Relations  Hall  ” ; and  the  Chinese  call 
the  Confucian  Church  by  the  name  of  Holy  Temple,  or 
Civil  Temple,  or  School  House.  This  is  the  reason  why 
under  the  tsing  tien  system  there  is  no  church,  because  the 
religious  function  is  absorbed  by  education.  The  patriarchs, 
although  the  teachers  of  the  school,  are  like  the  pastors  or 
fathers  of  the  church.  But  what  are  the  subjects  of  their 
sermons?  According  to  Mencius,  the  most  important  teach- 
ings of  the  schools  are  the  filial  and  fraternal  duties;  and 
their  results  are  that  the  gray-haired  men  do  not  need  to 
carry  any  burdens  on  their  backs  or  on  their  heads  along  the 
roads. 2 Therefore,  we  can  see  that  the  Chinese  religion 
has  been  directed  toward  man  more  than  toward  God.  In- 
deed, the  religion  of  Confucius  is  based  on  sociology  rather 
than  on  theology.  Hence,  China  has  given  full  freedom  of 
belief  to  the  people,  since  spiritual  worship  has  not  been 
the  essential  of  the  Chinese  religion. 

In  modern  times,  there  is  a conflict  between  religion 
and  science,  but  this  can  never  be  the  case  in  Confucianism. 
Confucianism  is  based  on  scientific  principles.  When  Con- 
fucius teaches  Tzu-lu  what  knowledge  is,  he  says:  “ When 
you  know  a thing,  to  hold  that  you  know  it ; and  when  you 
do  not  know  a thing,  to  allow  that  you  do  not  know  it — this 
is  knowledge.”  3 In  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  “ to  leave  out 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  242.  i/bid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  131-2. 

1 Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  151. 


86  THE  economic  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  doubtful  points  ” is  a great  principle.  With  such  a 
scientific  nature,  Confucianism  differs  from  all  other  re- 
ligions, and  is  a religon  of  the  highest  type.  On  this  ac- 
count, the  Chinese  can  identify  religion  with  education,  and 
church  with  school ; and  there  will  never  be  any  conflict 
between  science  and  Confucianism,  because  Confucianism 
itself  is  also  a science. 

In  modern  times,  there  is  also  a conflict  between  religion 
and  politics,  but  this  is  not  the  case  in  Confucianism. 
The  Roman  Catholics  have  a pope  who  assumes  political 
power  as  an  emperor,  and  the  ecclesiastical  body  forms  a 
specially-favored  class  exercising  political  privileges  over 
and  against  the  common  people.  This  is  an  unnatural  and 
unjust  thing.  Therefore,  conflict  between  church  and  state 
arises,  and  European  and  American  statesmen  separate 
church  from  state.  How  is  this  in  the  religion  of  Con- 
fucius? He  did  not  choose  a special  successor,  and  no  one 
dared  to  call  himself  the  only  successor  of  Confucius.  In 
fact,  Confucianism  is  a democratic  religion,  and  has  no 
such  monarchical  idea.  Confucius  did  not  distinguish  his 
followers  from  the  common  people,  and  they  never  formed 
such  a special  class  as  the  priesthood.  Therefore,  the  Con- 
fucians  never  got  political  privileges.  Although  the  stu- 
dent class  always  has  more  access  to  the  government  than 
the  common  people,  it  is  through  educational  qualifications, 
and  not  through  religious  privilege.  Therefore,  since  the 
Confucians  have  never  taken  any  political  power  from 
the  state,  the  state  has  no  trouble  with  the  Confucian  re- 
ligion at  all,  and  there  is  no  need  to  separate  it  from  the 
state. 

Moreover,  Christianity  is  a simple  religion,  and  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  government ; hence  it  can  be  separated  from 
the  state.  But  Confucianism  is  a complex  religion,  and  has 
very  much  to  do  with  government;  hence  it  can  never 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS  87 

be  separated  from  the  state.  The  missionary  work  of  Con- 
fucius himself  was  mostly  in  court;  he  taught  the  people  not 
on  the  subject  of  theology,  but  on  that  of  social  relations ; 
he  taught  his  pupils  not  in  order  to  make  priests  of  them, 
but  to  make  them  statesmen  and  teachers.  His  teachings 
are  at  least  half  on  political  subjects;  and  the  whole  Chinese 
society  is  built  up  under  his  teachings,  although  not  under 
the  best  of  them,  and  even  opposing  some  of  them.  In 
a word,  China  never  can  separate  Confucianism  from  the 
state,  unless  she  would  destroy  her  whole  civilization.  It 
is  not  only  unwise  and  unnecessary,  but  also  impossible. 
This  is  the  main  characteristic  of  the  religion  of  Confucius. 

4.  Educational  Election  as  a System  of  Popular  Repre- 
sentation 

As  regards  politics,  Confucius  lays  much  stress  on  the 
power  of  man.  He  says : 

The  principles  of  the  government  of  Wen  and  Wu  are  always 
displayed  in  the  records — the  tablets  of  wood  and  bamboo. 
But,  when  there  are  the  right  men,  such  a government  flour- 
ishes ; while  without  such  men,  such  a government  decays  and 
ceases.  With  a good  quality  of  men,  the  growth  of  govern- 
ment is  rapid,  just  as  vegetation  is  rapid  in  land  of  good 
quality.  Thus  a government  is  like  an  easily-growing  rush. 
Therefore,  the  administration  of  government  depends  upon 
man.1 

Having  such  a theory  of  government,  Confucius  thinks 
that  to  get  good  men  is  the  fundamental  thing  for  a good 
government.  But  how  shall  we  get  them?  By  the  system 
of  educational  election. 

According  to  Confucius,  the  school  is  not  only  a system 
of  education,  but  also  a system  of  election ; hence,  it  com- 
bines politics  with  education.  His  political  doctrine  is 
1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  405. 


88  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


democratic,  and  no  aristocracy  is  allowed.  The  Record  of 
Rites  says:  “Even  the  eldest  son  of  the  emperor  by  his 
legitimate  queen  is  only  as  an  ordinary  student.  In  the 
world,  there  is  nowhere  such  a thing  as  being  born  noble.’’  1 
In  the  Spring  and  Autumn , Confucius  denies  the  hereditary 
right  of  aristocracy,  and  gives  educational  election  as  a sub- 
stitute.2 This  was  at  that  time  a revolutionary  idea  in 
social  life;  it  was  realized  by  the  recommendation  of 
Tung  Chung-shu  (412  A.  K.  or  140  B.  C. ).  According 
to  the  “ Royal  Regulations,”  the  sons  of  the  emperor,  the 
princes,  and  the  officials,  are  to  study  at  the  same  university 
with  the  students  chosen  from  among  the  common  people; 
and  their  classes  are  to  be  divided  up,  not  by  ranks,  but  by 
ages.3  Ilsun  Tzu  says:  “ Even  among  the  sons  of  the  em- 
peror, the  princes,  and  the  great  officials,  if  they  were  not 
qualified  to  rites  and  justice,  they  should  be  put  down  to  the 
class  of  common  people  ; even  among  the  sons  of  common 
people,  if  they  have  good  education  and  character  and  are 
qualified  to  rites  and  justice,  they  should  be  elevated  to  the 
class  of  ministers  and  nobles.”  4 In  short,  under  the  sys- 
tem of  Confucius,  there  is  no  distinction  of  classes ; and  edu- 
cation is  the  only  determining  force  in  social  standing.  We 
may  say  that  there  is  an  educational  aristocracy,  but  such 
an  aristocracy  is  unavoidable,  unless  human  characteristics 
be  equal  by  birth.  The  only  thing  that  human  power  can 
do  is  to  make  education  universal  and  free,  in  order  to  give 
everyone  equal  opportunity;  and  this  is  the  way  of  Con- 
fucius. 

The  way  Confucius  combines  politics  with  education  is 
something  like  this : the  best  students  of  the  local  school  are 
elected  and  transferred  to  the  district  school : the  best  of  the 


1 Li  hi,  bk.  ix,  p.  438. 

3 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  233. 


2Third  year  of  Duke  Yin. 
4 Bk.  ix. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


89 

district  school,  to  the  provincial  college ; and  the  best  of  the 
provincial  college,  to  the  national  university.  Every  three 
years,  the  feudal  princes  send  the  best  students  from  their 
national  universities  to  the  emperor,  and  let  them  study  at 
the  imperial  university.  The  best  students  of  the  imperial 
university  are  called  “complete  scholars  ”.  If  their  conduct 
and  capability  are  equal,  they  are  distinguished  by  archery. 
Then  titles  are  conferred  upon  them.  In  this  way,  the  stu- 
dents promote  themselves  by  their  capability ; and  the  em- 
peror appoints  the  officials  by  the  examination  of  their 
merit.1  This  sytem  may  be  called  educational  election. 

The  system  of  educational  election  may  also  be  called  a 
system  of  representation.  Since  the  students  elected  from 
the  common  people  become  high  officials,  the  different  in- 
stitutions are  really  the  places  where  the  representatives 
of  the  people  are  elected.  As  the  elections  are  held  in  schools 
and  the  representatives  are  confined  to  the  body  of  students, 
education  is  the  exclusive  qualification.  The  educational  test 
takes  the  place  of  universal  suffrage.  But  choosing  educa- 
tion as  a qualification  is  much  better  than  choosing  anything 
else,  especially  when  education  is  universally  free.  Al- 
though there  is  no  popular  vote,  this  should  not  be  far  from 
popular  sentiment,  because  those  chosen  are  the  best  stu- 
dents. Since  they  come  from  different  political  divisions, 
although  there  is  no  legal  responsibility  between  them  and 
their  native  localities,  they  should  be  regarded  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  as  a whole.  The  Great  Commentary 
of  the  Canon  of  History  2 speaks  thus  of  the  election  of 
students.  “ It  lets  the  wise  men  have  their  way  to  come  up, 
and  co-operate  with  their  ruler  in  the  government.  It 

1 Annotation  of  Kung-yang,  15th  year  of  Duke  Hsiian,  etc. 

*Written  by  Professor  Fu  of  the  Ch‘in  dynasty,  the  oldest  and  great- 
est authority  on  the  Canon  of  History. 


90 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


shows  that  a ruler  alone  should  not  control  the  government. 
This  is  the  way  to  give  the  greatest  importance  to  the 
people.” 

What  we  have  mentioned  is  the  ideal  system  of  Con- 
fucius. and  it  has  been  essentially  carried  into  effect.  But 
the  system  of  representation  was  also  a fact  of  the  ancients, 
although  it  may  not  have  been  so  perfect  as  the  Confucians 
describe.  The  Official  System  of  Chou  says : “ Let  the  peo- 
ple elect  the  virtuous  to  be  their  leaders  outside,  and  let 
them  also  elect  the  able  to  be  their  governors  inside.”  1 
“ Outside  ” means  the  central  government  out  of  their  pro- 
vince, and  “ inside  ” means  the  local  government,  the  word 
leaders  meaning  representatives.  In  ancient  times,  the  stu- 
dents were  at  the  same  time  the  farmers,  so  that  the  farmers 
could  easily  elect  the  students  among  themselves.  The 
Canon  of  Poetry  tells  how  the  prince  goes  to  the  field  to  pre- 
side over  the  election:  “ Now,  I go  to  the  south-lying  acres, 
where  some  are  weeding  and  some  gather  the  earth  about 
the  roots.  The  millets  look  luxuriant.  And  in  a spacious 
resting  place,  we  elect  our  eminent  students.”  2 From  this 
poem,  we  can  understand  that  the  farmers,  outside  of  the 
school,  still  had  the  right  to  choose  their  representatives,  al- 
though the  election  was  controlled  by  the  government. 

Historically,  the  system  of  representation  was  changed 
from  election  by  the  people  into  selection  by  the  govern- 
ment, that  is,  civil-service  competitive  examinations.  Even 
by  this  change,  the  graduates  who  passed  examinations 
still  had  the  qualifications  of  representatives,  because  the 
number  of  graduates  was  proportionate  to  the  population 
and  the  amount  of  taxation  of  their  native  province.  So 
China  had  the  representative  system.  But  the  great 
trouble  was  that  China  did  not  develop  a legal  organi- 


1 Ch.  xii. 


1 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  377. 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


91 


zation  of  the  representative  body  to  assume  the  sovereign 
power.  In  ancient  times,  although  there  was  a popular 
council  of  the  people  in  the  central  government,1  it  had  not 
been  legally  well  organized.  And  so  those  representatives 
were  only  the  advisors  of  the  ruler. 

According  to  the  ideal  of  Confucius,  before  the  officials 
take  office,  there  is  an  educational  election;  and  after  they 
come  to  office,  there  is  also  an  examination  of  merit  every 
three  years.  Hence,  there  can  be  no  corruption.  The  ex- 
amination is  based  entirely  on  the  economic  conditions  of 
the  people.  After  three  examinations,  officials  are  either  de- 
graded or  promoted  according  to  the  value  of  their  service 
to  the  people.  They  are  required  to  have  such  conditions 
that  not  only  is  capital  increased,  but  also  labor  is  improved. 
In  short,  economic  prosperity  is  the  only  test  of  a good  gov- 
ernment, and  it  is  the  chief  task  of  the  officials  who  are  sub- 
jected to  the  examination  of  merit.  Ho  Hsiu  says:  “The 
wise  ruler  gives  reward  to  the  officials  according  to  their 
obvious  service,  so  that  the  undeserving  cannot  be  pro- 
moted by  popular  praise;  and  gives  punishment  to  them  ac- 
cording to  their  obvious  guilt,  so  that  the  innocent  cannot 
be  dismissed  by  popular  slander.-’ 2 This  principle  has 
been  put  into  actual  law. 

In  conclusion,  the  word  representatives  includes  all  the 
officials  of  the  government.  Although  there  are  three 
powers — legislative,  administrative  and  judicial — they  are 
not  sharply  divided  into  distinct  branches.  Therefore,  the 
representatives  of  the  people,  the  students,  may  take  office 
in  any  branch  of  the  government,  not  being  confined  to 
legislative  power  only. 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  i,  pp.  41,  224,  233-4.  F.  Hirth’s  The  An- 
cient History  of  China,  p.  124.  Kuan  Tsu,  bk.  lvi. 

’Third  year  of  Duke  Yin. 


92 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


Under  the  influence  of  Confucius,  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment has  been  that  of  imperial  democracy,  and  everyone 
has  the  chance  to  be  prime  minister,  although  it  is  not  nec- 
essary that  everyone  should  have  the  ambition  to  be  em- 
peror. In  China,  “ linen  prime  minister  ” and  “ white  house 
duke  and  minister  ” have  become  popular  terms.  “ Linen  ” 
and  “ white  house  ” indicate  the  poor  conditions  from  which 
they  arise  to  the  highest  office.  Indeed,  China  has  been  the 
most  democratic  country  of  the  world  in  this  point.  Even 
in  the  United  States,  a republican  government,  it  is  diffi- 
cult for  one  to  hold  an  elective  public  office,  no  matter  how 
high  or  how  low,  unless  he  is  an  active  member  of  one  of  the 
two  great  parties.  This  means  that  many  good  men  are 
excluded  from  the  government,  and  it  tends  to  make  men 
lose  their  personality,  and  to  deny  them  the  opportunity 
for  showing  their  political  ability  in  rendering  public  ser- 
vice. Although  the  form  of  the  American  government  is 
republican,  it  is  very  tyrannical  in  this  respect;  or  at  least 
it  is  something  of  an  aristocracy.  How  much  worse  are  the 
monarchical  governments  of  the  world ! All  the  modern 
European  countries  and  Japan  are  only  now  doing  away 
with  aristocracy;  and  in  most  of  them  the  nobility  is 
still  a great  element  in  their  government.  But  China  had 
largely  destroyed  the  nobility  with  the  election  system  of 
the  Han  dynasty  (418  A.  K.  or  134  B.  C.),  and  has  ex- 
tinguished it  entirely  since  the  Chin  Shih  examination  of 
the  Sui  dynasty  (1157  A.  K.  or  606  A.  D.).  In  the  present 
day,  all  the  titles  of  nobility  are  merely  nominal  honors,  and 
have  no  political  power  whatever  attached  to  them.  The 
only  material  gain  they  bring  is  the  hereditary  salary  re- 
ceived in  the  form  of  pension.  Even  the  members  of  the 
imperial  family  have  no  political  power,  unless  they  are  offi- 
cials. Any  student,  poor  in  the  economic  sense,  studying 
quietly  and  even  laboring  hard,  may  expect  to  become  prime 


ECONOMICS  AND  POLITICS 


93 


minister  and  carry  out  his  principles.  He  does  not  need 
to  spend  his  time,  energy  and  money  in  self-advertisement. 

If  the  ruler  should  always  be  as  good  as  Confucius  re- 
quires, the  system  of  educational  election  would  be  perfect. 
But,  since  the  ruler  is  not  always  good,  and  the  world  has 
been  progressive,  China  is  going  to  change  her  absolute 
to  a constitutional  government.  As  soon  as  she  shall  have 
a constitutional  government,  she  will  have  a party  govern- 
ment. And  as  soon  as  she  has  a party  government,  she 
will  have  party  elections,  and  modern  aristocracy  will  grow 
in  China.  But,  as  the  educational  election  is  a system 
peculiar  to  the  Chinese,  they  should  keep  the  best  of  their 
own,  and  adopt  only  the  best  of  their  neighbors’  systems, 
without  their  defects.  By  extending  the  principle  of  popular 
suffrage  to  just  the  right  point,  China  will  have  a govern- 
mental system  which  surpasses  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of 
American  civil  service  reformers. 

The  election  system  of  Confucius  is  the  chief  weapon  for 
the  destruction  of  class  interests.  This  was  appreciated  by 
the  physiocrats.  They  hold  up  as  the  ideal  of  political  gov- 
ernment, not  Switzerland  or  England,  but  China,1  because 
in  other  countries  one  did  not  find  individual  interest  com- 
ing to  the  front.  In  England  the  political  system  gives 
too  much  power  to  the  merchants ; on  the  other  hand,  de- 
mocracy gives  too  much  power  to  the  lower  classes,  and 
aristocracy,  too  much  power  to  the  higher  classes.  In 
China  alone  no  one  class  tends  to  become  dominant.  This 
view  of  the  physiocrats  is  very  true.  It  is  doubtless  true 
that  Quesnay  was  theorizing,  and  used  China  as  a model 
because  it  was  far  away  and  he  knew  little  about  it,  but  in 
this  instance  his  theory  was  justified  by  the  facts. 

1 Cf.  Qucsnay’s  Despotisme  de  la  Chine,  first  published  in  the  Epht- 
tntrides  du  Citoyen  in  1767  and  reprinted  in  Oeuvres  Economiques  et 
Philo sophiq ues  de  Quesnay,  ed.  Oncken,  1888,  pp.  563-660. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


Economics  and  Ethics 

I.  ECONOMICS  AS  THE  BASIS  OF  ETHICS 

In  the  Confucian  system,  there  are  two  great  principles. 
One  is  called  love,  or  humanity;  the  other,  justice,  or  right- 
eousness. It  may  be  interesting  to  notice  that,  according 
to  the  Chinese  etymology,  the  word  love  is  formed  from 
the  word  denoting  man,  or  others,  and  the  word  justice 
from  the  word  denoting  self.  Thus  the  primary  meaning 
of  the  word  love  is  a relation  between  persons;  and  that 
of  the  word  justice  is  an  aspect  of  the  self.  We  love  others, 
but  we  justify  ourselves.  Hence  we  should  strictly  control 
ourselves,  according  to  the  highest  standard  of  morality,  and 
treat  others  liberally,  according  to  the  ordinary  level  of 
human  nature.  Confucius  says : “ The  superior  man  rea- 
sons about  theoretical  principles  from  the  standpoint  of 
himself,  but  lays  down  practical  laws  from  the  capabilities 
of  the  people.”  1 Therefore,  regarding  ourselves,  Con- 
fucius puts  ethical  teaching  above  economic  life, — in  some 
cases,  life  itself  should  be  sacrificed  for  the  sake  of  virtue; 
but  regarding  society  as  a whole,  he  puts  economic  life  be- 
fore ethical  teaching. 

The  best  illustration  of  this  principle  is  given  in  the 
Analects.  When  Confucius  went  to  Wei,  Jan  Yu  acted  as 
driver  of  his  carriage.  Confucius  observed,  “ How  numer- 
ous are  the  people!”  Jan  said,  “ Since  they  are  thus  nu- 


Li  Ki,  bk.  xxix.  p.  333. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


95 


merous,  what  more  shall  be  done  for  them?”  “ Enrich 
them,”  was  the  reply.  “And  when  they  have  been  en- 
riched, what  more  shall  be  done?”  Confucius  said,  “In- 
struct them  ”.x 

Before  we  can  instruct  the  people,  we  must  enrich  them, 
no  matter  how  few  or  many  they  are.  This  is  a universal 
principle.  The  Canon  of  Poetry  repeats  three  times  the 
following  two  sentences : “ Give  them  drink  and  give  them 
food.  Instruct  them  and  teach  them.” 1  2 

If  we  understand  in  the  beginning  that  Confucius  gives 
two  principles  for  the  two  classes  of  men,  one  for  the  offi- 
cials and  students,  the  other  for  the  mass  of  common  people 
at  large,  we  shall  avoid  confusion.  For  the  higher  class, 
ethical  life  is  first,  but  for  the  lower  class,  economic  life  is 
first.  Confucius  says : “ The  mind  of  great  men  is  con- 
versant with  justice;  the  mind  of  small  men  is  conversant 
with  profit.”  3 In  speaking  of  great  men  and  small  men, 
he  refers  to  their  social  standing.  This  theory  is  very 
clearly  stated  by  Tung  Chung-shu  when  he  says:  “ Busily 
seeking  for  wealth  and  profit,  and  fearing  only  the  condition 
of  want,  this  is  the  mind  of  common  people;  busily  seeking 
for  love  and  justice,  and  fearing  always  that  they  could 
not  influence  the  people,  this  is  the  mind  of  ministers  and 
great  officials.”  4 Such  a statement,  of  course,  is  only  a 
theory,  not  fact.  Yet  we  must  understand  that  Confucius 
has  these  two  classes  in  his  mind,  and  sets  forth  two  dif- 
ferent principles  for  them.  On  the  one  hand,  he  forbids  the 
higher  class,  from  emperor  to  student,  to  seek  private  gain. 
They  should  confine  themselves  to  the  ethical  life.  On  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  266-7. 

2 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  pp.  418-420. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  170. 

4 History  of  Han,  ch.  lvi. 


96  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

other  hand,  he  allows  the  lower  class  to  make  profit,  and 
thinks  that  they  ought  to  do  so.  Hence,  for  the  governing 
of  society,  Confucius  takes  up  the  economic  life  of  the  people 
for  the  first  consideration.  The  “ Great  Learning  ” describes 
the  effects  of  a good  government  as  follows : “ The  com- 
mon people  find  pleasure  in  what  they  call  their  pleasure, 
and  find  profit  in  what  they  call  their  profit.”  1 We  are  sure 
that  Confucius,  in  the  program  of  his  reformation,  feels 
that  economic  betterment  is  the  first  item.2 

Unfortunately,  since  the  Confucians  of  the  Sung  dynasty 
did  not  wholly  understand  the  principles  of  Confucius  and 
thought  that  he  did  not  approve  even  talking  about  profits, 
the  teachings  of  Confucius  failed  to  be  considered  of  great 
importance  in  the  practical  world,  and  the  Chinese  suffered 
a great  deal  through  need  of  economic  reforms.  They  made 
such  a great  mistake  because  they  misunderstood  the  state- 
ments of  Mencius  and  Tung  Chung-shu.  Mencius  tells  the 
King  Hui  of  Liang:  “Why  must  your  Majesty  use  that 
word  profit?  What  I am  provided  with  are  counsels  con- 
cerning the  principles  of  love  and  justice,  and  these  are  my 
only  topics.”  3 Tung  Chung-shu  tells  the  Prince  of  Kiang- 
tu : “ The  man  of  perfect  virtue  is  thus : following  strictly 
justice,  not  for  the  sake  of  profit:  discussing  thoroughly 
principle,  not  with  the  expectation  of  success.”  4 This  sim- 
ply means  virtue  for  virtue’s  sake.  These  two  statements 
given  by  Mencius  and  Tung  Chung-shu  are  quite  good  in 
themselves,  but  they  do  not  mean  that  the  economic  problems 
should  be  entirely  left  out.  They  have  their  own  writings, 
and  we  can  find  their  economic  principles  even  from  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  364. 

3 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  131. 

3 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  126. 

4 History  of  Han,  ch.  lvi, 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


97 


quotations  of  this  treatise.  They  are  talking  to  the  king 
and  the  prince,  and  such  men,  of  course,  are  forbidden  by 
Confucius  to  talk  about  profits.  We  never  expect  to  use 
the  same  prescription  for  everybody ; why  should  we  apply 
those  statements  to  every  one?  Neither  Confucius,  nor 
Mencius,  nor  Tung  Chung-shu,  nor  any  great  Confucian  be- 
fore the  Sung  dynasty,  has  ever  said  that  the  common  people 
should  not  talk  about  profits.  Moreover,  the  Confucians 
of  the  Sung  dynasty  did  not  distinguish  the  public  profits 
from  private  profits,  and  left  them  both  out  of  consideration. 
This  has  been  a great  obstacle  to  the  economic  development 
of  China. 

II.  HARMONY  OF  ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 

The  reason  the  Confucians  of  the  Sung  dynasty  fear  to 
talk  about  profit  is  because  they  make  the  distinction  between 
profit  and  justice  too  sharp,  and  think  they  are  necessarily 
opposed  to  each  other.  But  true  Confucianism  harmonizes 
economics  and  ethics,  and  identifies  profit  with  justice.  A 
true  profit,  it  holds,  is  justice,  and  the  immediate  profit 
which  opposes  justice  is,  in  the  long  run,  not  a profit  at  all. 
The  essential  of  these  two  words,  profit  and  justice,  is  the 
same  thing,  but  expressed  in  different  terms. 

As  Confucius  lived  in  the  stage  of  feudalism,  and  gener- 
ally talked  with  princes,  he  did  not  like  to  mention  the  word 
profit,  but  used  the  word  justice  for  its  substitute.  Since 
princes,  as  we  know,  generally  care  for  profit,  but  not  for 
justice;  for  wealth,  but  not  for  virtue;  why  should  Confucius 
talk  to  them  about  profit  instead  of  about  justice?  But,  if 
Confucius  only  says  to  them  that  justice  is  good,  and  does 
not  say  that  justice  is  a profit,  they  will  not  believe  him,  and 
will  not  practice  justice.  Therefore,  Confucius  points  out 
very  clearly  that  justice  is  a real  profit,  and  that  to  prefer 
the  immediate  profit  is  only  a suicidal  policy. 

This  principle  is  thus  set  forth  in  the  “ Great  Learning  ” : 


98  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

The  superior  man  will  first  take  pains  about  his  own  virtue. 
. . . . Virtue  is  the  root,  and  wealth  only  the  result.  If  he 
make  the  root  his  secondary  object,  and  the  result  his  primary, 
he  will  only  wrangle  with  his  people,  and  teach  them  rapine. 
Hence,  the  concentration  of  wealth  is  the  cause  of  driving  the 
people  away,  and  the  diffusion  of  it  among  them  is  the  way 
to  collect  the  people.  And  hence,  . . . the  wealth,  got  by  im- 
proper ways,  will  take  its  departure  by  the  same.  . . . The 
virtuous  man,  by  means  of  his  wealth,  makes  his  personality 
more  distinguished.  The  vicious  man  accumulates  wealth  at 
the  expense  of  his  life.  Never  has  there  been  a case  of  the 
sovereign  liking  love,  and  the  people  not  liking  justice.  Never 
has  there  been  a case  where  the  people  have  liked  justice,  and 
the  affairs  of  the  sovereign  have  not  been  carried  to  com- 
pletion. And  never  has  there  been  a case  where  the  wealth 
in  such  a state,  collected  in  the  treasuries  and  arsenals,  did 
not  continue  in  the  sovereign’s  possession. 

For  the  explanation  that  the  real  profit  of  a state  is  not 
pecuniary  profit,  but  justice,  it  quotes  from  Meng  Hsien-tsu: 
“ It  is  better  to  have  an  officer  who  steals,  than  to  have  one 
who  collects  unjust  imposts  from  the  people.”  Indeed,  los- 
ing wealth  is  better  than  losing  justice. 

The  conclusion  of  the  “ Great  Learning  ” is  this : 

When  he  who  presides  over  a state  or  a family  makes  wealth 
his  chief  business,  he  must  be  under  the  influence  of  some 
mean  fellow.  He  may  consider  this  fellow  good ; but  when 
such  a person  is  employed  in  the  administration  of  a state  or 
family,  calamities  from  nature  and  injuries  from  men  will 
befall  it  together.  And,  although  a good  man  may  take  his 
place,  he  will  not  be  able  to  remedy  the  evil.  This  illustrates 
the  saying,  that  a state  does  not  take  the  pecuniary  profit  as  a 
real  profit,  but  takes  justice  as  a real  profit.1 

The  same  principle  is  also  given  by  Mencius.  When  he 
1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  3r5-38i. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


99 


meets  King  Hui  of  Liang,  he  first  rejects  the  word  profit, 
which  is  mentioned  by  the  king,  and  supplies  the  two  words 
love  and  justice.  Then  he  points  out  that  profit  in  the  com- 
mon sense  is  not  a profit.  If  the  king,  the  great  officials, 
the  students  and  the  common  people,  all  try  to  snatch  this 
profit  the  one  from  the  other,  the  state  will  be  endangered. 
He  says:  “If  justice  be  put  last,  and  profit  be  put  first, 
they  will  not  be  satisfied  without  snatching  all.” 

Now,  he  turns  to  the  real  profit  of  love  and  justice,  and 
says : “ There  never  has  been  a man  who  practiced  the  prin- 
ciple of  love  and  neglected  his  parents.  There  never  has 
been  a man  who  practiced  the  principle  of  justice  and  made 
his  sovereign  an  after-consideration.1 

What  has  been  said  in  the  “ Great  Learning  ” and  by  Men- 
cius is  for  princes  or  for  the  government.  But  the  principle 
that  justice  is  a profit  holds  true  among  all  mankind.  The 
Chinese  take  this  principle  as  the  fundamental  law  of  econo- 
mics, and  carry  it  into  practice  in  daily  life.  This  is  why 
the  Chinese  merchants  have  the  highest  moral  standard. 
Indeed.  “ honesty  is  the  best  policy.”  If  justice  is  not  a 
profit,  the  morality  of  man  would  be  as  low  as  that  of  the 
beast.  But  to-day,  as  human  progress  has  risen  to  the 
present  stage,  it  proves  that  justice  is  a profit.  The  more 
just  we  are,  the  more  we  shall  prosper. 

Since  justice  is  a profit,  why  do  not  the  Confucians  use 
the  word  profit  as  often  as  the  word  justice?  Human  na- 
ture is  already  selfish,  and  society  is  already  a profit- 
seeking  society.  The  people  know  profit  in  the  narrow 
sense  by  birth,  and  do  not  need  any  more  teaching  about  it. 
If  a great  teacher  like  Confucius  were  to  talk  constantly  about 
profit,  it  would  make  the  people  think  about  profit  still  more 
and  about  justice  still  .less.  They  would  care  much  more 
for  money  than  for  character.  They  would  excuse  them- 
1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  125-7. 


IOO  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


selves  on  the  ground  of  the  teachings  of  Confucius,  and 
would  use  Confucius’  word  for  their  pretext.  Therefore, 
Confucius  does  not  use  the  word  profit  very  often,  but  uses 
the  word  justice  for  its  substitute.  This  idea  is  very  well 
explained  by  Adam  Smith.  He  says: 

Those  principles  of  the  human  mind  which  are  most  beneficial 
to  society  are  by  no  means  marked  by  nature  as  the  most 
honorable.  Hunger,  thirst,  and  the  passion  for  sex  are  the 
great  supports  of  the  human  species,  yet  almost  every  expres- 
sion of  these  excites  contempt.  In  the  same  manner,  that  prin- 
ciple in  the  mind  which  prompts  to  truck,  barter,  and  exchange, 
though  it  is  the  foundation  of  arts,  commerce,  and  the  divi- 
sion of  labor,  yet  it  is  not  marked  with  anything  amiable.  . . . 
The  plain  reason  for  this  is  that  these  principles  are  so  strongly 
implanted  by  nature  that  they  have  no  occasion  for  that  addi- 
tional force  which  the  weaker  principles  [e.  g.,  generosity] 
need.1 

Moreover,  social  profit  is  harmonious  with  social  justice, 
while  individual  profit  is  not  always  harmonious  with  in- 
dividual justice.  Confucius  says:  “ Riches  and  honors  ac- 
quired by  injustice  are  to  me  as  a floating  cloud.”  2 He 
recognizes  that  there  are  some  individual  profits  without 
the  principle  of  justice.  Yang  Hu  was  a bad  officer  at 
the  time  of  Confucius,  but  Mencius  quotes  his  words  as  fol- 
lows : “ He  who  seeks  to  be  rich  will  not  be  benevolent. 
He  who  wishes  to  be  benevolent  will  not  be  rich.” 3 
Mencius  thinks  that  there  is  sometimes  a contradiction  be- 
tween economic  gains  and  ethical  principles.  Hence,  Con- 
fucius speaks  of  the  superior  man  as  one  who,  when  he  sees 
gain,  thinks  of  justice.4  And  hence,  the  Record  of  Rites 

1 Lectures  of  Adam  Smith,  p.  232. 

5 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  200. 

5 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  240. 

* Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  314 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


IOI 


says : “ When  you  find  wealth  within  your  reach,  do  not 
try  to  get  it  by  improper  means.”  1 

III.  CHOICE  BETWEEN  ECONOMIC  LIFE  AND  ETHICAL  LIFE 

Even  though  the  economic  principles  are  finally  harmon- 
ious with  those  of  ethices,  under  some  circumstances  eco- 
nomic life  cannot  exist  along  with  ethical  life.  Hence, 
we  shall  see  how  Confucius  makes  a choice  between  these 
two  things. 

When  Tzu-kung  asks  Confucius  about  government,  Con- 
fucius says : “ The  requisites  of  government  are  that  there 
be  sufficiency  of  food,  sufficiency  of  soldiers,  and  the  faith 
of  the  people.”  Tzu-kung  says:  “If  it  cannot  be  helped, 
and  one  of  these  must  be  dispensed  with,  which  of  the  three 
should  be  foregone  first?”  “The  soldiers”,  says  Con- 
fucius. Tzu-kung  again  asks:  “If  it  cannot  be  helped, 
and  one  of  the  remaining  two  must  be  dispensed  with,  which 
of  them  should  be  foregone?”  Confucius  answers:  “ Part 
with  the  food.  From  of  old,  death  has  been  the  lot  of  all 
men;  but  if  the  people  have  no  faith  in  their  hearts,  there  is 
no  standing  for  any  one.”  2 

This  dialogue  is  very  important  and  very  interesting; 
the  questions  and  the  answers  are  both  very  good.  The 
word  food  includes  all  economic  life;  the  word  soldiers,  all 
military  forces  and  equipments;  and  the  word  faith,  all  re- 
ligious and  ethical  life.  So  far  as  we  have  seen,  Confucius 
emphasizes  economic  life  as  the  first  thing  in  society.  And 
even  in  this  dialogue,  he  puts  food  before  the  other  two. 
Rut,  when  the  economic  life  and  ethical  life  cannot  both  be 
preserved,  economic  life  must  be  sacrificed.  This  seems 
a foolish  policy,  and  an  impracticable  theory.  Moreover, 
it  seems  contradictory  to  his  own  principle  that  economic 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  i.  p.  62. 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  254. 


I02  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

life  should  come  before  ethical  life.  In  reality,  however, 
there  is  great  harmony  here.  In  the  primary  stage,  when 
the  people  do  not  know  much  about  faith,  and  their  imme- 
diate need  is  food,  if  you  talk  to  them  on  any  subject,  such 
as  religion  or  ethics,  before  they  can  satisfy  their  hunger, 
they  will  not  listen  to  you.  Food,  therefore,  must  come  be- 
fore all  other  things.  In  the  advanced  stage,  when  they 
have  built  a society  as  high  as  a state,  they  must  know  some- 
thing about  faith,  and  faith  is  the  strongest  social  tie.  If 
the  getting  of  food  were  their  sole  aim,  or  escaping  from 
death  their  highest  ideal,  they  would  do  anything  in  any  way 
for  the  sake  of  their  lowest  self.  Without  faith,  the  world 
would  be  a wilderness ; no  one  would  trust  others,  and  every 
one  would  be  an  enemy  to  others.  Society  could  not  exist ; 
and  at  last,  not  even  the  individual  could  exist.  Only  the 
strongest  would  survive.  In  the  beginning,  the  people  would 
sacrifice  their  faith  to  escape  death;  but  ultimately,  they 
would  fall  together  into  death  because  they  had  no  faith. 
A great  teacher  like  Confucius  must  prefer  faith  to  food. 
Or,  in  other  words,  he  must  choose  to  die  with  faith  rather 
than  to  live  without  it.  Food  is  the  primary  means  of  build- 
ing up  society,  but  faith  is  the  final  end  in  maintaining 
it.  These  two  theories  of  Confucius  are  not  contradictory. 
Hence,  this  policy  is  not  only  honest,  but  also  wise.  Nor 
is  it  impracticable. 

To  show  that  the  ethical  life  should  be  preferred  to  the 
economic  life,  Mencius  cites  this  concrete  case,  and  shows 
that  every  one  has  such  conscience.  He  says : 

We  desire  fish,  and  we  also  desire  bear’s  paws.  If  we  cannot 
have  the  two  together,  we  will  let  the  fish  go  and  take  the 
bear’s  paws.  So,  we  desire  life,  and  we  also  desire  righteous- 
ness. If  we  cannot  keep  the  two  together,  we  will  let  life  go 
and  choose  righteousness.  We  desire  life  indeed,  but  there  is 
that  which  we  desire  more  than  life,  and  therefore  we  will  not 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


103 


seek  to  possess  it  by  any  improper  ways.  We  dislike  death  in- 
deed, but  there  is  that  which  we  dislike  more  than  death,  and 
therefore  there  are  occasions  when  we  will  not  avoid  dan- 
ger. . . . 

Therefore,  men  have  that  which  they  desire  more  than  life, 
and  that  which  they  dislike  more  than  death.  They  who  have 
this  conscience  are  not  men  of  distinguished  talents  and  virtue 
only.  All  men  have  it ; what  distinguishes  such  men  is  simply 
that  they  do  not  lose  it. 

Here  are  a small  basket  of  rice  and  a platter  of  soup,  and 
the  case  is  one  in  which  the  getting  them  will  preserve  life, 
and  the  want  of  them  will  be  death ; if  they  are  offered  with 
an  insulting  voice,  even  a tramp  will  not  receive  them,  or  if 
you  first  tread  upon  them,  even  a beggar  will  not  stoop  to  take 
them.1 

I 

This  statement  of  Mencius,  that  even  the  tramp  or  the 
beggar  still  cares  for  his  personal  honor,  and  that  he  pre- 
serves it  even  at  the  expense  of  his  life,  is  very  true.  Hence, 
there  is  really  no  such  man  as  may  be  called  the  purely 
economic  man,  and  the  ethical  motive  is  rooted  in  human 
nature  as  well  as  the  economic  motive.  For  this  reason,  we 
can  harmonize  the  economic  life  with  the  ethical  life. 

IV.  ACCEPTANCE  OF  WEALTH 

When  we  discuss  economics  and  ethics,  the  important 
question  is  the  acceptance  of  wealth.  As  men  are  living 
in  society,  they  have  to  give  and  receive  wealth  in  daily 
life.  But  what  are  the  principles  which  govern  those  mat- 
ters? On  this  question,  it  is  best  to  look  at  the  teachings  of 
Mencius.  For  the  principles  of  both  giving  and  receiving 
wealth,  he  says : “ When  it  appears  proper  to  take  a thing, 
and  afterwards  not  proper,  to  take  it  is  contrary  to  moder- 
ation. When  it  appears  proper  to  give  a thing,  and  after- 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  41 1-3. 


104  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

wards  not  proper,  to  give  it  is  contrary  to  kindness.”  1 
Again,  when  he  speaks  of  Yi  Yin,  he  says  that  Yin  would 
neither  have  given  nor  have  taken  a single  straw,  if  it  were 
contrary  to  justice  and  principle.2  Therefore,  he  wants  the 
people  to  act  in  the  proper  way  not  only  in  their  taking,  but 
also  in  their  giving;  foolish  generosity  and  unwise  alms  are 
not  approved  by  Mencius. 

But  the  principles  governing  the  taking  of  wealth  are 
more  important  than  those  governing  the  giving  of  it,  be- 
cause human  nature  is  more  often  too  covetous,  rather  than 
too  liberal.  For  the  taking  of  wealth,  Mencius  gives  this 
general  principle:  if  there  be  not  proper  ground  for  taking 
it,  a single  bamboo-cup  of  rice  may  not  be  received  from  a 
man ; but  if  there  be  such  proper  ground,  then  Shun’s  re- 
ceiving the  empire  from  Yao  is  not  to  be  considered  ex- 
cessive.3 Therefore,  the  taking  of  wealth,  no  matter  how 
great  or  how  little,  must  he  governed  by  moral  con- 
siderations. 

The  greatest  difficulty,  however,  is  to  determine  what 
is  proper  and  what  is  not.  On  this  point,  there  is  no  cer- 
tain rule.  But  we  may  refer  to  concrete  cases  and  take 
them  as  examples.  When  Mencius  was  in  Ch‘i,  the  king 
sent  him  a present  of  2000  taels  of  fine  gold,  and  he  refused 
it.  But  he  accepted  a present  of  1400  taels  when  he  was  in 
Sung,  and  accepted  one  of  1000  taels  when  he  was  in  Hsieh. 
Chen  Tsin,  his  pupil,  asked  him  if  there  were  not  something 
wrong  in  one  of  the  two  cases.  But  Mencius  said  that  they 
are  all  right.  When  he  was  in  Sung,  he  was  about  to  take 
a long  journey.  It  is  a custom  of  the  Chinese  to  present 
a traveler  with  a traveling  present.  Therefore,  the  mes- 
sage of  the  prince  was  the  sending  of  such  a present.  Why 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  328. 

3 Ibid.,  p.  362. 


3 Ibid.,  n 269. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


105 


should  he  have  declined  the  gift?  When  he  was  in  Hsieh, 
he  was  apprehensive  for  his  safety,  and  taking  measures 
for  his  protection.  The  message  was,  “ I have  heard  that 
you  are  taking  measures  to  protect  yourself,  and  send  this 
to  help  you  in  procuring  arms.”  Why  should  he  have  de- 
clined the  gift?  But  when  he  was  in  Ch“i,  he  had  no  oc- 
casion for  money.  To  send  a man  a gift  when  he  has  no 
occasion  for  it,  is  to  bribe  him.  How  is  it  possible  that  a 
superior  man  should  accept  a bribe?  1 These  are  concrete 
cases  showing  the  principles  of  accepting  and  declining 
wealth. 

There  is  a most  interesting  discussion  between  Mencius 
and  Wan  Chang,  his  pupil,  about  the  acceptance  of  wealth. 
The  point  of  Mencius  is  that,  when  the  donor  offers  his  gift 
on  a reasonable  ground  and  in  a manner  in  accordance  with 
propriety,  even  Confucius  would  have  received  it.  “ Here 
now,”  says  Wan  Chang,  “ is  one  who  stops  and  robs  people 
outside  the  city  gates.  He  offers  his  gift  on  a ground  of 
reason  and  in  a proper  manner ; — would  it  be  right  to  re- 
ceive it  when  so  acquired?”  The  answer  of  Mencius  is,  of 
course,  negative.  “ The  princes  of  the  present  day,”  pur- 
sues Wan  Chang,  “ take  from  their  people  just  as  a robber 
despoils  his  victim.  Yet  if  they  put  a good  face  of  pro- 
priety on  their  gifts,  the  superior  man  receices  them.  I 
venture  to  ask  you  to  explain  this.”  Here  Wan  Chang  al- 
ludes to  Mencius  himself.  Mencius  answers: 

Do  you  think  that,  if  there  should  arise  a truly  imperial  sov- 
ereign, he  would  collect  the  princes  of  the  present  day  and  put 
them  all  to  death  ? Or  would  he  admonish  them,  and  then,  if 
they  did  not  change  their  ways,  put  them  to  death?  Indeed, 
to  call  every  one  who  takes  what  does  not  properly  belong  to 
him  a robber  is  pushing  a point  of  resemblance  to  the  utmost 


Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  215-6. 


106  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

and  insisting  on  the  most  refined  idea  of  righteousness.  When 
Confucius  was  in  office  in  Lu,  the  officials  struggled  together 
for  the  game  taken  in  hunting,  and  he  did  the  same.  If  that 
struggling  for  the  captured  game  was  proper,  how  much  more 
may  the  gifts  of  the  princes  be  received ! 1 

According  to  the  reasoning  of  Mencius,  we  may  receive  a 
gift  offered  on  a reasonable  ground  and  in  a proper  manner, 
and  need  not  push  the  idea  of  absolute  justice  to  the  ex- 
treme. For  instance,  we  may  receive  donations  from  a 
trust  in  a proper  way,  and  need  not  regard  the  trust  as  a 
robber.  Although  the  trust  may  take  what  does  not  prop- 
erly belong  to  it,  we  cannot  call  it  a robber  because  the 
whole  structure  of  present  society  is  not  an  ideal  society. 
Under  present  conditions,  we  cannot  judge  every  one  ac- 
cording to  the  ideal  standard.  We  should  need  to  change 
the  condition  itself  first.  This  is  the  explanation  of  Mencius, 
and  it  may  be  also  the  principle  of  Confucius. 

V.  THREE  DOCTRINES  DIRECTLY  OPPOSED  TO  ECONOMIC 

MOTIVE 

Confucius  has  very  many  teachings  on  the  subject  of 
ethics,  but  we  shall  leave  them  out  entirely,  and  take  up 
only  three  doctrines  which  are  directly  against  the  economic 
motive.  The  first  is  the  doctrine  of  fate ; the  second  is  the 
doctrine  of  name;  and  the  third  is  the  doctrine  of  soul.  All 
are  very  important  teachings  of  Confucius. 

i.  Doctrine  of  Fate 

In  order  to  understand  the  doctrine  of  fate,  we  must  ask 
first  what  is  meant  by  the  word  fate.  Here  is  a definition 
given  by  Mencius : “ That  which  is  done  without  man’s 
doing  is  from  Heaven.  That  which  happens  without  man’s 
causing  is  from  fate.”  2 These  two  words.  Heaven  and 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  379-383-  1 Ibid.,  p.  359. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


107 


fate,  are  interchangeable.  According  to  the  Adjunct  to 
the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety,  there  are  three  kinds  of  fate. 
Doing  good  and  getting  good  is  called  receiving  fate;  do- 
ing good  but  getting  evil  is  called  encountering  fate;  doing 
evil  and  getting  evil  is  called  following  fate.  Therefore, 
Mencius  says : “ There  is  a fate  for  everything.  A man 
should  receive  submissively  what  may  be  correctly  ascribed 
thereto.”  1 Indeed,  the  word  fate  has  three  points  of  view. 
From  the  religious  viewpoint,  it  is  a supernatural  power 
predetermining  everything.  From  the  philosophical  view- 
point, it  is  the  law  of  necessity.  From  the  ethical  view- 
point, it  is  the  right  principle,  doing  the  right  thing  at  the 
right  moment  and  in  the  right  way.  The  doctrine  of  fate 
of  Confucius  embraces  these  three  points  of  view ; hence  he 
says  that  without  recognizing  fate,  it  is  impossible  to  be 
a superior  man.2 

Believing  in  fate  and  having  no  anxiety  to  acquire  wealth, 
Confucius  gives  himself  as  an  example.  He  says : “ If  the 
search  for  riches  were  sure  to  be  successful,  though  I should 
become  a groom  with  whip  in  hand  to  get  them.  I should 
do  so.  As  the  search  may  not  be  successful,  I will  follow 
after  that  which  I love.”  3 What  he  loves  is  the  study  of 
truth,  and  not  the  search  for  wealth.  Hence  he  says : 
“ Death  and  life  have  their  fate:  riches  and  honors  depend 
upon  Heaven.”  4 The  word  Heaven  and  the  word  fate  are 
the  same  thing  expressed  differently. 

Since  man’s  fate  is  determined  in  Heaven,  and  his  na- 
ture is  also  given  by  Heaven,  how  can  he  harmonize  these 
two  things  when  his  nature  has  wants  and  his  fate  cannot 
satisfy  them?  According  to  Confucius,  man  should  subject 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  449. 

2 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  354- 

3 Ibid.,  p.  198. 

4 Quoted  by  Tzu-hsia,  ibid.,  pp.  252-3. 


io8  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

his  nature  to  fate.  He  says : “ The  superior  man  proclaims 
the  doctrine  of  fate  as  a barrier  against  material  wants.”  1 
As  the  human  wants  rooted  in  nature  are  very  numerous, 
and  never  can  be  completely  controlled  by  anything,  he  pro- 
claims the  fate  which  is  in  Heaven  and  beyond  the  power 
of  man,  in  order  to  prevent  unlawful  ambition  and  to  lessen 
unlimited  desires.  Mencius  gives  the  same  principle.  He 
says : 

For  the  mouth  to  desire  sweet  tastes,  the  eye  to  desire  beau- 
tiful colors,  the  ear  to  desire  pleasant  sounds,  the  nose  to  de- 
sire fragrant  odors,  and  the  four  limbs  to  desire  ease  and  com- 
fort : these  wants  are  of  human  nature.  But  there  is  fate  in 
connection  with  them,  and  the  superior  man  does  not  say  of 
his  pursuit  of  them,  “ It  is  my  nature.”  2 

Mencius  recognizes  what  human  nature  is,  but  he  teaches 
men  to  respect  fate  and  not  to  excuse  their  pursuit  of  grati- 
fication on  the  pretext  of  nature.  Therefore,  the  doctrine 
of  fate  is  an  ethical  teaching  directly  modifying  the  econo- 
mic wants. 

From  the  doctrine  of  fate  spring  two  policies.  The  first 
policy  is  negative,  passive,  taking  everything  when  it  comes, 
but  not  running  risks  to  get  it.  This  is  primarily  for  the 
weakening  of  economic  wants,  and  especially  so  in  the  in- 
dividual case.  For  the  individual  himself,  if  he  takes  the 
natural  course  and  does  not  try  to  get  anything  by  improper 
means,  frees  his  mind  from  physical  desires,  and  enjoys 
a great  amount  of  happiness.  It  is  said  in  the  “Appendix”  of 
the  Canon  of  Changes  that  a sage  rejoices  in  Heaven  and 
knows  fate,  hence  he  has  no  anxieties.3  This  is  the  view 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxvii,  p.  284. 

2 Classics,  vol  ii,  p.  489. 

3 Yi  King.  r>.  354. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


109 


of  optimism.  If  one  does  not  believe  in  fate,  he  will  be  the 
slave  of  passion  and  the  hunter  of  fortune.  Therefore, 
Confucius  says : “ The  superior  man  lives  in  safe  ways  in 
order  to  wait  for  fate,  while  the  mean  man  walks  in  dan- 
gerous paths  in  order  to  catch  luck.”  1 

But  we  must  not  misunderstand  and  think  that  the  passive 
policy  excludes  the  principle  of  self-help.  When  one  dies 
in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  it  is  a regular  fate ; but  when 
one  dies  of  his  own  fault,  it  is  not  a regular  fate.  There- 
fore, Mencius  says  that  the  one  who  knows  fate  will  not 
stand  beneath  a precipitous  wall.2  Therefore,  according  to 
the  principle  of  rites,  those  who  die  either  from  an  un- 
reasonable attack  which  they  do  not  wisely  escape,  or 
through  the  fall  of  some  dangerous  thing,  or  by  drowning 
through  heedlessness,  should  have  no  condolence  offered 
for  them.3  Indeed,  if  anyone  does  not  help  himself,  fate 
never  can  help  him,  and  he  would  be  punished  by  his  own 
fault.  Fate  is  the  final  cause  which  operates  after  man  has 
tried  his  best,  but  not  a mere  chance  for  the  careless  man. 
“Trust  in  God  and  keep  your  powder  dry”  is  the  real  mean- 
ing of  waiting  for  fate.  The  only  difference  between  those 
who  recognize  fate  and  those  who  do  not  is  that  the  former 
do  everything  morally,  legally,  reasonably,  and  that  the 
latter  do  the  opposite  thing.  But  fate  does  not  make  men 
do  nothing.  Mencius  says : “ The  superior  man  performs 
the  law  of  right,  and  thereby  waits  simply  for  fate.”  4 
The  second  policy  is  positive,  active,  trusting  one’s  own 
principles,  and  disregarding  all  circumstances.  This  is 
primarily  for  the  fulfillment  of  ethical  duties,  and  especially 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  396. 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  450. 

3 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii,  p.  131. 

4 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  496. 


I IO 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


so  in  the  social  case.  In  the  social  relations  and  conditions, 
it  is  usually  very  difficult  for  men  to  carry  out  their  ethical 
principles ; and  there  is  fate.  But  we  should  be  true  to  our 
nature,  and  should  not  discourage  ourselves  by  saying 
that  there  is  a fate.1  The  spirit  of  Confucius  is  that  al- 
though he  knows  the  impracticable  nature  of  the  times,  yet 
will  he  be  striving  to  do  something.2  He  makes  himself 
responsible  for  the  betterment  of  the  world,  and  exhausts  all 
his  mental  powers.  This  is  the  principle  of  “ establish- 
ing fate.” 

The  active  policy  is  not  to  disregard  fate,  but  to  believe 
it,  and  such  a belief  makes  the  character  of  man  very  strong. 
When  Confucius  was  in  the  state  of  Wei,  he  lived  with 
Yen  Ch'ou-yu,  a worthy  of  Wei.  But  Mi  Tzu,  an  un- 
worthy favorite  of  the  court,  informed  Confucius  through 
his  pupil,  that  if  he  would  lodge  with  him,  he  might  obtain 
a position  as  a minister.  The  answer  of  Confucius  was 
that  there  is  fate.  Mencius  comments  as  follows : “ Con- 
fucius went  into  office  according  to  propriety,  and  retired 
from  it  according  to  righteousness.  In  regard  to  his  ob- 
taining office  or  not  obtaining  it,  he  said : ‘ There  is  fate.’  ” 3 
When  Confucius  was  informed  that  Kung-po  Liao,  an  offi- 
cer of  Lu,  slandered  Tzu-lu  to  Chi-sun,  the  prime  minister, 
Confucius  said:  “ If  my  principles  are  to  be  carried  out,  it 
is  fate.  If  they  are  to  fall  to  the  ground,  it  is  fate.  What 
can  Kung-po  Liao  do  to  fate?”4  Therefore,  the  doctrine 
of  fate  makes  man  believe  firmly  bis  own  principles,  and 
not  move  on  account  of  anything  outside  of  himself.  Even 
the  question  of  life  and  death  cannot  affect  him, — how 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  489-490. 

5 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  290. 

3 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  365. 

4 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  289. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


III 


can  the  question  of  obtaining  office  or  wealth  affect 
him  ? Mencius  says : “ When  neither  a premature  death  nor 
long  life  causes  a man  any  double-mindedness,  but  he  culti- 
vates his  personal  character,  and  waits  for  whatever  issue ; — 
this  is  the  way  in  which  he  establishes  fate.”  1 Every  one 
has  his  own  fate;  if  he  does  not  believe  it,  he  will  be  dis- 
turbed and  changed  by  even  very  little  things,  and  he  de- 
stroys by  himself  what  he  has  done  before.  This  is  a lack 
of  self-confidence.  Therefore,  the  doctrine  of  fate  is  good 
not  only  for  those  who  discharge  their  ethical  duties,  but 
also  for  those  who  carry  on  their  economic  business.  In- 
deed, it  applies  to  the  problems  of  daily  life. 

The  doctrine  of  fate  is  accepted  by  Taoism,  but  rejected 
by  Moism.  Mo  Tzu  gives  three  books  against  this  doc- 
trine, but  he  cannot  attack  it  on  any  exact  point.  He  says 
that  by  the  doctrine  of  fate,  the  ruler  and  officer  must  be 
lazy  regarding  the  works  of  government,  and  the  men  and 
women  must  also  be  lazy  regarding  production  of  wealth.2 
But  this  is  not  the  doctrine  of  fate  at  all. 

2.  Doctrine  of  Name 

The  second  principle  directly  against  the  economic  mo- 
tive is  the  doctrine  of  name.  The  name  of  a man  is  the 
identification  of  his  personality,  and  what  a man  cares  for  is 
not  merely  the  name  but  the  merits  which  make  the  name 
famous.  Confucius  says : “ The  superior  man  hates  that 
his  name  will  not  be  praised  after  his  death.”  3 Since  the 
name  is  the  invariable  concomitant  of  merit',  and  no  one  can 
have  been  a superior  man  without  his  name  being  remem- 
bered, the  name  is  necessary  to  the  superior  man.  This 
does  not  mean  that  he  should  seek  for  his  name  from  others, 

] Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  449. 

2 Bk.  xxxvii. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  300. 


112  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


but  that  he  should  make  his  name  for  himself.  Again,  he 
says : “ When  we  have  established  our  personality  and  dif- 
fused our  principles,  so  as  to  make  our  name  famous  in 
future  ages,  and  thereby  glorify  our  parents : this  is  the  end 
of  filial  piety.”  1 From  this  statement,  we  know  that  Con- 
fucius regards  the  name  as  the  final  aim  of  ethical  life. 
It  is  said  by  Ssu-ma  Chien  that  establishing  a name  is  the 
highest  of  conduct.2 

The  doctrine  of  name  is  to  make  the  ethical  motive 
stronger  than  the  economic  motive,  and  to  make  people 
disregard  their  economic  conditions  through  attachment  to 
virtue.  Confucius  says  : 

Riches  and  honors  are  what  men  want.  But,  if  they  are  ob- 
tained in  an  improper  way,  they  should  not  be  held.  Poverty 
and  low  estate  are  what  men  hate.  But,  even  though  they  be- 
fall one  who  does  not  deserve  them,  they  should  not  be  evaded. 

If  a superior  man  abandon  the  virtue  of  love,  how  can  he 
completely  make  his  name?  The  superior  man  does  not,  even 
for  the  space  of  a single  meal,  act  contrary  to  the  virtue  of 
love.  In  moments  of  haste,  he  cleaves  to  it.  In  times  of  dan- 
ger, he  cleaves  to  it.3 

This  is  the  ethical  teaching  which  directly  opposes  econo- 
mic wants.  What  we  must  cling  to  is  the  virtue  of  love, 
and  it  is  the  means  by  which  to  make  our  name  complete. 
Therefore,  we  must  cleave  to  the  virtue  of  love  and  must  not 
prefer  riches  to  poverty.  This  is  the  way  of  making  a name. 

Since  desire  for  riches  and  hatred  of  poverty  are  very 
strong  human  motives,  how  can  Confucius  make  men  in- 
different to  these  two  conditions  and  careful  for  their  name? 
In  order  to  preach  the  doctrine  of  name,  not  only  are  ethical 
theories  needed,  but  also  historical  facts.  Hence,  Confucius 

1 Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  vol.  iii,  p.  466. 

2 History  of  Han,  ch.  Ixii. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  166. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


"3 

gives  these  facts  to  show  that  a name  is  independent  of 
riches,  and  that  it  is  much  more  lasting  and  important.  He 
says : 

The  Duke  Ching  of  Ch‘i  had  a thousand  teams,  each  of  four 
horses,  but  on  the  day  of  his  death,  the  people  did  not  praise 
him  for  a single  virtue.  Po-yi  and  Shu-ch‘i  died  of  hunger  at 
the  foot  of  the  Shou-yang  mountain,  but  the  people,  down  to 
the  present  time,  praise  them.  “ It  is  certainly  not  on  account 
of  material  wealth,  but  merely  on  account  of  personal  distinc- 
tion ” — is  not  that  saying  illustrated  by  this  ? 1 

The  rich  prince  cannot  live  longer  than  the  day  of  his  death, 
and  all  his  riches  cannot  be  of  any  use  to  him ; but  the  two 
starved  men  can  live  forever  by  their  names.  This  is  proof 
that  the  name  has  much  more  value  than  riches,  and  man 
should  not  deceive  himself  when  he  makes  a choice  be- 
tween them.  Therefore,  Chia  Yi  (352-384  A.  K.  or 
200-168  B.  C. ) says:  “ The  coveteous  man  dies  for  the  sake 
of  wealth,  but  the  heroic  man  dies  for  the  sake  of  his 

j y 2 

name. 

Some  people  would  say  that  the  doctrine  of  name  is  based 
on  selfishness,  and  that  it  is  not  the  highest  principle  of 
ethics.  This  might  be  somewhat  true,  but  we  must  discuss 
it  further.  To  care  for  the  name  may  be  a form  of  selfish- 
ness, but  we  never  can  get  away  from  selfishness  in  that 
sense,  no  matter  how  perfect  the  ethical  principle.  The 
highest  principle  is  that  virtue  is  for  virtue’s  sake.  Con- 
fucius says : “ The  determined  scholar  and  the  man  of  vir- 
tue will  not  seek  to  live  at  the  expense  of  injuring  their 
virtue,  but  will  sacrifice  even  their  lives  to  preserve  their 
virue  complete.”  3 This  is  the  highest  type  of  man.  But 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  315. 

- Historical  Record,  ch.  lxxxiv. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  297. 


II4  • THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

when  we  ask  why  they  sacrifice  their  lives  to  preserve  their 
virtue  complete,  it  must  be  explained  that  in  this  way  they 
satisfy  their  ethical  wants.  It  is  a feeling  that  they  cannot 
withstand,  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  this  feeling  they  sacri- 
fice even  their  lives.  This  may  be  selfishness,  but  how  can 
we  get  any  better  than  this?  In  fact,  man  is  a living  crea- 
ture with  feelings  and  wants,  and  he  never  can  be  an  ab- 
solutely unselfish  man  from  this  point  of  view,  unless  he  is 
not  a man. 

Since  men  are  generally  very  anxious  to  make  profit,  Con- 
fucius cannot  weaken  such  an  economic  interest  without 
arousing  the  ethical  interest ; hence  he  preaches  the  doctrine 
of  name  as  a substitute  for  profit.  Human  nature  is  so 
weak  that  it  does  not  want  to  do  good  unless  there  is  some 
gain  either  in  the  form  of  profit  or  in  that  of  name.  Con- 
fucius says:  “ In  the  whole  world,  there  is  only  one  man 
who  loves  what  is  proper  to  humanity  without  some  per- 
sonal object  in  the  matter,  or  who  hates  what  is  contrary 
to  humanity  without  being  apprehensive  of  some  evil.” 
Again,  he  says:  “ The  philanthropist  practices  the  virtue  of 
humanity  easily  and  naturally ; the  wise  man  practices  it 
for  the  sake  of  advantage  which  it  brings ; and  those  who 
fear  the  guilt  of  transgression  practice  it  by  constraint.”  1 
We  should  not  expect  all  men  to  be  philanthropists  practic- 
ing virtue  without  aiming  at  any  advantage,  and  we  should 
give  some  reward  to  anyone  who  practices  this  virtue.  If 
we  taught  the  people  not  to  make  profit,  and  denied  them 
also  the  interest  of  making  a name,  it  would  be  too  cruel, 
and  unjust,  and  human  society  would  not  progress  at  all. 
Therefore  Confucius  establishes  the  doctrine  of  name  in 
order  to  draw  the  people  away  from  the  economic  world  to 
the  ethical  world,  and  to  give  them  ethical  gain  instead  of 
economic  gain. 


Li  Ki,  bk.  xxix,  pp.  332-3. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


115 

According  to  Confucius,  the  name  has  two  kinds  of  use, 
one  for  reward  and  the  other  for  punishment.  In  the 
Spring  and  Autumn,  he  exercises  his  authority  to  praise  and 
to  condemn  men,  from  the  emperor  to  the  common  people, 
by  the  use  of  name.  When  he  praises  a name,  even  a single 
word  is  more  honorable  than  the  position  of  emperor;  and 
when  he  condemns  a name,  even  a single  word  is  more 
severe  than  the  death  penalty.  Therefore,  when  he  speaks 
of  Wu  Wang,  he  says  that  he  does  not  lose  his  famous 
name  in  the  world.1  Mencius  says:  “If  a ruler  is  called 
after  his  death  by  the  name  of  the  Dark  or  the  Cruel,  even 
though  he  may  have  filial  sons  and  affectionate  grandsons, 
they  will  not  be  able  to  change  his  bad  name  even  after  a 
hundred  generations.” 2 Hence,  the  people  are  impelled 
to  do  good  in  the  hope  of  getting  a good  name,  and  are 
afraid  to  do  wrong  for  fear  of  getting  a bad  name.  This 
illustrates  the  usefulness  of  the  doctrine  of  name. 

Taoism  destroys  the  doctrine  of  name.  Lao  Tzu  raises 
the  following  question : “ Which  is  dearer  to  you,  your 
name  or  your  life?”3  He  means  that  the  life  is  dearer 
than  the  name,  and  that  we  should  not  care  for  our  name  at 
the  expense  of  our  life.  Taoism  is  egoistic,  and  Yang  Chu 
carries  it  to  the  extreme.  His  doctrine  is  that  everyone 
must  come  to  the  same  end,  death,  no  matter  how  good  or 
how  bad  he  may  be.  The  good  men  have  a good  name 
after  their  death,  but  they  lose  enjoyment  during  their  life; 
the  bad  men  have  a bad  name  after  their  death,  but  they 
have  the  enjoyment  of  gratifying  their  wants  during  their 
life.  Both  the  good  name  and  the  bad  name  are  no 
more  to  the  dead  than  to  the  trunk  of  a tree  or  a clod  of 
earth ; they  do  not  know  either  the  praise  or  the  condemna- 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  400. 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  293. 

3 Tao  Te  King,  ch.  xliv. 


n 6 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OP  CONFUCIUS 

tion.  How  can  a name  do  any  good  to  the  rotten  bones  ? 1 
Such  a doctrine  is  extreme  Epicureanism,  and  it  is  directly 
against  Confucianism.  But  it  was  swept  away  by  Mencius. 

3.  Doctrine  of  Soul 

The  third  principle  directly  against  the  economic  motive 
is  the  doctrine  of  soul.  With  the  word  soul,  we  must  in- 
clude its  synonyms.  In  the  “ Great  Learning,”  soul  is  also 
called  “ brilliant  virtue  ” ; in  the  “ Doctrine  of  the  Mean,”  it 
is  called  “ the  nature  of  Heavenly  endowment  ”,  “ the  vir- 
tuous nature”,  and  “sincerity”;  in  the  “Evolution  of  Civili- 
zation”, “intelligent  spirit” ; in  the  “Appendix”  of  the  Canon 
of  Changes,  “essential  spirit”;  in  Meng  Tzu  (Mencius), 
it  is  called  “ the  spirit  of  the  greatest  and  strongest  ”,  “ the 
good  conscience  ”,  “ the  good  mind,”  “ the  original  mind  ”, 
and  “ mind  ”.  According  to  Confucianism,  we  can  look  at 
soul  from  two  points  of  view.  From  the  ethical  viewpoint, 
there  is  the  soul  of  the  living  which  is  the  best  part  of  the 
mind.  From  the  religious  viewpoint,  there  is  the  soul  of 
the  dead  which  is  apart  from  the  body.  It  is  the  same  soul, 
only  in  different  times  of  the  life.  If  we  can  keep  our  soul 
here  in  the  ethical  way,  we  shall  preserve  it  hereafter  as  the 
essential  spirit  shining  in  Heaven;  if  we  cannot  keep  it 
right,  it  will  be  dissolved  and  changed.2 

To  contrast  it  with  the  economic  motive,  we  shall  dis- 
cuss the  doctrine  of  soul  only  from  the  ethical  point  of  view. 
On  this  account,  the  teachings  of  Mencius  are  best  fitted  to 
our  purpose.  He  usually  employs  the  word  mind  instead 
of  the  word  soul,  but  its  meaning  is  the  same.  He  first 
points  out  that  the  spiritual  wants  are  just  as  strong  as  the 
physical  wants.  To  illustrate  this  principle,  he  indicates 
that  the  senses  of  the  mouth,  the  ears  and  the  eyes  all  have 
standards  of  taste,  of  sound  and  of  beauty.  Why  should 


1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  93*7- 


2 Yi  King , p.  354. 


ECONOMICS  AND  ETHICS 


II 7 


the  mind  alone  have  no  standard  at  all  ? The  standard  of 
the  mind  is  one  of  reason  and  justice.  Therefore,  reason 
and  justice  satisfy  the  needs  of  our  mind  just  as  the  best 
foods  satisfy  the  needs  of  our  appetite.1 

Now,  Mencius  is  going  to  show  that  the  soul  is  more  im- 
portant than  the  body.  He  says : 

There  is  no  part  of  the  person  which  a man  does  not  love,  and 
as  he  loves  all,  so  he  must  nourish  all.  . . . But  some  part  of 
the  person  is  noble,  and  some  ignoble ; some  great,  and  some 
small.  The  great  must  not  be  injured  for  the  small,  nor  the 
noble  for  the  ignoble.  He  who  nourishes  the  little  belonging 
to  him  is  a little  man,  and  he  who  nourishes  the  great  is  a 
great  man.  . . . The  man  of  only  eating  and  drinking  is 
counted  mean  by  others,  because  he  nourishes  what  is  little  to 
the  neglect  of  what  is  great.2 

What  he  means  by  the  noble  and  great  part  of  the  person 
is  the  soul ; and  by  the  ignoble  and  small  part,  the  body. 
A man  should  love  both  his  soul  and  his  body,  and  he 
should  nourish  them  both.  But  he  should  nourish  the  soul 
more  than  the  body.  He  who  cares  more  for  the  body  is  a 
little  man.  What  Mencius  calls  “ the  man  of  only  eating 
and  drinking  ” is  what  we  may  call  the  economic  man  who 
cares  only  for  the  body.  According  to  the  principle  of 
Mencius,  the  chief  object  of  man  is  the  soul  and  not  the 
body,  and  he  should  subject  the  economic  life  to  the  ethical 
or  spiritual  life. 

The  question  arises  as  to  how  he  can  make  the  soul  more 
important  than  the  body,  or  in  other  words,  how  he  can  use 
the  soul  as  the  master  of  the  whole  body.  Why  does  not 
every  one  take  more  care  for  his  soul  than  for  his  body? 
To  answer  this  question,  Mencius  gives  a very  good  principle 
which  is  the  key  to  the  ethical  religion  of  Confucius.  He 
says : 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  405-7. 


s Ibid.,  pp.  416-7. 


n8  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


The  senses  of  hearing  and  seeing  do  not  think,  and  are  ob- 
scured by  external  things.  When  the  external  things  come 
into  contact  with  the  senses  which  are  also  only  things,  as  a 
matter  of  course  they  lead  them  away.  To  the  mind  belongs 
the  office  of  thinking.  By  thinking  it  gets  the  right  view  of 
things ; by  neglecting  to  think  it  fails  to  do  this.  Both  the 
senses  and  the  mind  are  what  Heaven  has  given  to  us.  If  a 
man  can  first  establish  the  supremacy  of  the  nobler  part  of  his 
constitution,  the  inferior  part  will  not  be  able  to  take  it  from 
him.  It  is  simply  this  which  makes  the  great  man.1 

From  this  statement,  we  know  that  the  superiority  of  the 
mind  over  the  senses  is  that  the  mind  can  think  about  any- 
thing and  the  senses  cannot.  Although  both  are  the  en- 
dowments of  Heaven,  the  one  is  nobler  than  the  other.  The 
mind  is  like  the  sovereign,  having  the  full  powers  of  will 
and  reasoning,  while  the  senses  are  like  the  ordinary  officials, 
performing  their  functions  only  in  a passive  way.  The 
senses  are  material  things  themselves,  and  of  course  they  are 
subjected  to  the  material  things  outside.  But  the  mind  is 
the  soul,  which  has  the  power  of  thinking  and  is  independent 
of  anything.  If  a man  can  make  his  soul  supreme,  how  can 
the  senses  snatch  it  away?  But  how  can  he  establish  the 
supremacy  of  the  soul  ? Simply  by  thinking,  and  thinking 
is  sufficient  to  make  a great  man.  It  is  said  in  the  Canon 
of  History  that  the  effect  of  thinking  is  perspicacity,  and  that 
perspicacity  becomes  the  quality  of  the  holy  man.2  There- 
fore, thinking  is  the  way  of  establishing  the  soul,  and  es- 
tablishing the  soul  is  the  way  of  controlling  economic  wants. 
In  fact,  the  doctrine  of  soul  is  an  ethical  teaching,  but  it  is 
practiced  in  the  economic  life.  Hence,  according  to  Con- 
fucianism, we  can  live  in  the  economic  world,  and  yet  we 
can  be  holy  men. 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  418. 

2 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  pp.  326-7. 


BOOK  III  GENERAL  ECONOMIC 
PRINCIPLES 


CHAPTER  IX 

Economic  Development  as  the  Chief  Cause  of 
Progress 

I.  ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 

We  have  already  seen  that  Confucius  is  in  favor  of  the 
inductive  method ; his  statements  are  generally  based  on  his- 
torical facts.  When  he  discusses  with  Tzu-yu  the  evolution 
of  civilization,  he  takes  up  the  economic  development  of  the 
remotest  time  as  the  starting  point.  The  discussion  of  the 
first  stage  is  concerned  only  with  primitive  technique,  such 
as  the  building  of  houses,  the  cooking  of  food,  and  the  mak- 
ing of  clothes.  Indeed,  technical  invention  is  the  basis  of 
civilization. 

Confucius  begins  his  discussion  with  the  so-called  root- 
grubbing  period  which  was  supplemented  by  the  hunting 
stage.  Such  an  economic  condition  was  before  the  age  of 
Pao  Hsi.  His  exact  words  are  as  follows : 

Formerly  the  ancient  kings  had  no  houses.  In  winter  they 
lived  in  caves  which  they  had  excavated,  and  in  summer  in 
nests  which  they  had  framed.  They  did  not  yet  know  the 
transforming  power  of  fire,  but  ate  the  fruits  of  plants  and 
trees,  and  the  flesh  of  birds  and  beasts,  drinking  their  blood, 
and  swallowing  also  the  hair  and  feathers.  They  did  not  yet 


120  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

know  the  use  of  flax  and  silk,  but  clothed  themselves  with 
feathers  and  furs. 

The  later  sages  then  arose,  and  men  learned  to  make  use  of 
fire.  They  molded  the  metals  into  articles  and  fashioned  clay 
into  pottery.  By  using  fire,  metals  and  earth,  they  built  towers 
with  structures  on  them,  and  houses  wdth  windows  and  doors; 
they  toasted,  grilled,  boiled  and  roasted  their  foods ; they  pro- 
duced must  and  sauces ; they  dealt  with  the  flax  and  silk  so  as 
to  form  linen  and  silken  fabrics.  They  were  thus  able  to 
nourish  the  living  and  to  give  burial  to  the  dead,  to  serve  the 
ghosts,  the  spirits,  and  God.  In  all  these  things  the  people 
still  follow  the  example  of  that  early  time.1 

Food,  clothes  and  housing  are  the  three  most  important 
things  in  economic  life.  But  they  never  can  be  made  by  the 
human  band  until  the  development  of  technique.  The  utili- 
zation of  fire  is  the  most  important  of  all,  and  the  molding 
of  metals  and  baking  of  earth  come  next.  Then  these 
crafts  can  be  used  for  the  purpose  of  getting  food,  clothes  and 
houses.  After  the  economic  life  has  been  satisfied,  the  re- 
ligious life  begins.  This  is  the  origin  of  civilization,  based 
on  economic  development. 

Jn  the  “ Appendix  ” of  the  Canon  of  Changes,  just  after 
the  first  paragraph  speaking  about  “ administering  wealth  ” 
which  has  been  partly  quoted  above,2  there  are  thirteen  para- 
graphs pointing  out  the  historical  facts  of  “ administering 
wealth  ” by  the  ancient  emperors.  The  whole  chapter  is 
really  an  outline  of  the  economic  development  of  China. 
The  order  of  paragraphs  is  chronological,  and  everything  is 
traced  back  to  the  age  of  invention  and  discovery. 

The  first  emperor  the  “Appendix  ” mentions  is  Pao  Hsi. 
It  says; 

1 Li  Ki,  hk.  vii,  pp.  .369-370. 

2 See  supra,  p.  48. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


121 


Anciently,  when  Pao  Hsi  had  come  to  rule  the  world,  looking 
up,  he  contemplated  the  brilliant  forms  exhibited  in  the  sky ; 
and  looking  down,  he  surveyed  the  patterns  shown  on  the 
earth.  He  contemplated  the  ornamental  appearances  of  birds 
and  beasts,  and  the  different  possibilities  of  the  soil.  Near  at 
hand,  in  his  own  person,  he  found  things  for  consideration, 
and  the  same  at  a distance,  in  things  in  general.  From  this  he 
devised  the  eight  trigrams,  in  order  to  show  fully  the  attributes 
of  spiritual  and  intellectual  life,  and  to  classify  the  natures  of 
the  myriads  of  things.  He  invented  the  making  of  nets  of 
various  kinds  by  knitting  strings,  both  for  hunting  and  fishing. 

By  his  name  and  inventions  we  may  know  that  the  age  of 
Pao  Hsi  was  in  the  hunting  and  fishing  stage,  and  also  in 
the  pastoral  stage.1 

The  Chinese  really  have  no  accurate  knowledge  about  the 
earliest  history  of  China,  but  it  is  said  that  the  reign  of 
Pao  Hsi  lasted  one  hundred  and  ten  years,  and  that  the 
fifteen  reigns  which  followed  all  adopted  the  name  of  Pao 
Hsi.  It  is  certain  that  the  period  between  Pao  Hsi  and 
Shen  Nung  must  have  been  very  long.  Since  Shen  Nung 
was  a great  inventor,  the  “Appendix  ’’  mentions  him  next. 
It  says:  “ He  fashioned  wood  to  form  the  share,  and  bent 

1 The  name  of  Pao  Hsi  has  some  significance.  Pao  means  kitchen, 
and  Hsi  domestic  animal.  Such  a name  would  mean  that  he  was  the 
inventor  of  kitchen  and  cookery.  He  is  also  called  by  the  name  of 
Fu  Hsi.  Fu  means  subjugating  or  domesticating,  and  such  a name 
would  mean  that  he  was  the  inventor  of  the  domestication  of  animals. 
At  that  time,  both  hunting  and  fishing  were  by  means  of  different 
nets.  The  eight  trigrams  were  the  first  invention  of  writing.  For 
example:  ^22  represents  heaven;  -22  22  , earth;  — ' thunder; 

■ . wind;  water;  — — fire;  — — j mountain;  and 

marsh.  They  are  really  eight  characters.  In  the  Chinese 
language,  they  are  called  pa  kua;  pa  means  eight,  and  kua  means  hang- 
ing. The  latter  means  that  the  phenomena  of  things  are  hung  in 
order  to  show  them  to  the  people.  This  was  the  first  step  toward 
civilization. 


122  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


wood  to  make  the  plough-handle.  The  advantages  of 
ploughing  and  weeding  were  then  taught  to  the  whole  em- 
pire.” The  age  of  Shen  Nung  was  thus  the  beginning  of 
the  agricultural  stage.1 

This  age  was  also,  however,  the  beginning  of  the  primi- 
tive commercial  stage.  The  “Appendix  ” says : “ He  caused 
markets  to  be  held  at  midday,  thus  bringing  together  all 
the  people,  and  assembling  in  one  place  all  their  commodi- 
ties. They  made  their  exchanges  and  retired,  everyone  hav- 
ing got  what  he  wanted.”  This  was  a very  important  ad- 
vance of  civilization.  Since  the  TYppendix  ” does  not  men- 
tion money,  it  would  seem  that  the  exchanges  of  this  period 
were  mostly  in  the  form  of  barter. 

According  to  the  historians,  the  reign  of  Shen  Nung 
lasted  one  hundred  and  twenty  years.  After  seven  subse- 
quent reigns,  Huang  Ti  arose.  His  reign  lasted  one  hun- 
dred years  (2147-2048  B.  K.  or  2698-2599  B.  C. ).  xAiter 
two  hundred  and  forty-one  years,  came  the  Emperor  Yao 
whose  reign  lasted  ninety  years,  and  the  Emperor  Shun 
whose  reign  lasted  fifty  years.  Huang  Ti,  Yao  and  Shun 
were  the  three  greatest  emperors,  and  they  were  in  the  his- 
torical periods ; hence,  the  “Appendix  ” mentions  them  as  a 
whole.  It  says  : 

After  the  death  of  Shen  Nung,  there  arose  Huang  Ti,  Yao  and 
Shun.  They  carried  through  the  necessary  changes  of  material 
things,  so  that  the  people  would  not  get  tired  of  them.  They 
transformed  the  economic  conditions  miraculously  in  order  to 
make  them  fit  the  people.  They  were  harmonized  with  the 
principle  of  the  Canon  of  Changes:  when  the  course  of  any 

1 The  name  of  Shen  Nung  also  has  some  significance.  Shen  means 
divine,  and  Nung  means  farmer.  As  he  was  called  Divine  Farmer,  it 
is  very  clear  that  he  was  the  discoverer  of  agriculture.  Especially 
from  the  word  “ fashioned  ”,  we  know  that  there  was  the  utilization 
of  metal,  although  the  share  was  made  of  wood. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


123 


thing  comes  to  an  end,  it  should  be  changed ; when  it  is 
changed,  it  passes  through  freely ; when  it  passes  through 
freely,  it  can  continue  for  a long  time. 

The  principle  of  the  Canon  of  Changes  is  the  theory  of 
evolution,  but  the  “Appendix  ” illustrates  it  by  the  economic 
development  of  these  three  emperors. 

Indeed,  economic  changes  form  the  most  powerful  ele- 
ments in  evolution  in  the  course  of  civilization.  K‘ung 
Ying-ta  (1125-1199  A.  K.  or  574-648  A.  D.),  for  the  ex- 
planation of  this  point,  gives  this  illustration : 

Preceding  the  time  of  Huang  Ti,  the  people  wore  the  furs  of 
animals.  Later,  the  population  grew  larger,  and  the  animals 
became  fewer ; hence  the  material  for  such  a dress  would  be 
somewhat  exhausted.  Therefore,  the  adoption  of  silk  and 
flax  for  the  making  of  clothes  was  a miraculous  transforma- 
tion, in  order  to  adapt  them  to  the  people. 

This  is  quite  an  economic  interpretation  of  history.  In 
short,  the  age  of  Huang  Ti,  and  that  of  Yao  and  Shun, 
marked  an  epoch-making  advance  in  the  history  of  civiliza- 
tion, and  such  an  advance  was  chiefly  based  on  economic 
development.  Therefore,  the  “Appendix  ” does  not  men- 
tion anything  but  the  material  civilization. 

Concerning  the  material  civilization  of  these  three  em- 
perors, the  “Appendix  ” mentions  only  nine  things.  The 
nine  things  were  all  invented  in  the  time  of  Huang  Ti,  and 
were  completed  or  improved  in  the  time  of  Yao  and  Shun. 
Therefore,  the  “Appendix  ” does  not  make  any  distinction 
among  them.  The  nine  things  are  in  the  following  order. 

( 1 ) They  made  the  new  system  of  dress  and  established 
the  social  order  by  the  means  of  it.  Hence,  the  “Appendix  ” 
says:  “ Huang  Ti,  Yao  and  Shun  simply  wore  their  upper 
and  lower  garments,  as  patterns  to  the  people,  and  good 
order  was  secured  throughout  the  whole  empire.”  It  shows 


124 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  peaceful,  graceful,  orderly,  and  industrial  society  of 
that  time,  and  it  takes  dress  first  as  a sign  to  mark  the 
distinction  between  this  age  and  the  ages  previous. 

(2)  They  discovered  the  means  of  navigation.  The 
“ Appendix  ” says : “ They  cut  open  trees  to  form  boats, 
and  cut  others  long  and  thin  to  make  oars  ....  They 
could  now  reach  the  most  distant  parts,  and  the  whole  empire 
was  benefited.”  In  the  making  of  the  boats  and  oars,  they 
made  use  of  metal. 

(3)  They  discovered  the  means  of  transportation.  The 
“Appendix  ” says : “ They  used  oxen  in  carts,  and  yoked 
horses  to  chariots,  thus  providing  for  the  carriage  of  what 
was  heavy,  and  for  distant  journeys,  thereby  benefiting 
the  whole  empire.” 

(4)  After  navigation  and  transportation  had  been  de- 
veloped, there  was  need  of  protection  for  the  cities.  Hence, 
the  “Appendix  ” says : “ They  made  the  system  of  double 
gates,  and  the  warning  of  the  clapper,  as  a preparation 
against  the  approach  of  marauding  visitors.” 

(5)  For  the  refinement  of  the  food,  they  made  the  pestle 
and  mortar.  The  “Appendix  ” says : “ They  cut  wood  and 
fashioned  it  into  pestles;  they  dug  in  the  ground  and  formed 
mortars.  Thus  the  myriads  of  the  people  received  the  bene- 
fit arising  from  the  use  of  the  pestle  and  mortar.”  As  the 
“Appendix  ” takes  them  as  a great  invention  among  all 
other  great  things,  we  can  see  how  much  importance  the 
Chinese  ascribe  to  rice. 

(6)  Since  society  was  now  highly  developed,  and  the 
double  gates  and  clapper  were  not  sufficient  for  protection, 
there  was  need  of  good  weapons.  The  “Appendix  ” says : 
“ They  bent  wood  by  means  of  string  so  as  to  form  bows, 
and  sharpened  wood  so  as  to  make  arrows.  The  utility  of 
bows  and  arrows  was  to  produce  a feeling  of  awe  over  the 
empire.”  These  things  seem  more  military  than  economic. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


125 

but  they  really  are  for  economic  purposes,  because  they  are 
for  the  protection  of  wealth. 

(7)  They  changed  the  form  of  shelter.  The  “Ap- 
pendix ” says : “ In  the  highest  antiquity,  they  made  their 
homes  in  winter  in  caves,  and  in  summer  dwelt  in  the  open 
country.  In  subsequent  ages,  for  these  the  sages  substituted 
houses,  with  the  ridgebeam  above  and  the  projecting  roof  be- 
low, as  a provision  against  wind  and  rain.” 

(8)  As  we  shall  see,  the  Chinese  always  consider  the 
funeral  as  a part  of  economic  life ; 1 the  “Appendix  ” men- 
tions the  invention  of  coffins  as  follows : 

When  the  ancients  buried  their  dead,  they  covered  the  body 
thickly  with  pieces  of  wood,  having  laid  it  in  the  open  country. 
They  raised  no  mound  over  it,  nor  planted  trees  around  it ; nor 
had  they  any  fixed  period  for  mourning.  In  subsequent  ages, 
the  sages  substituted  for  these  practices  the  inner  and  outer 
coffins. 

(9)  So  far  as  the  physical  needs  had  been  satisfied,  there 
should  be  mental  and  legal  development,  and  the  most  im- 
portant thing  was  the  complete  invention  of  writing.  The 
“Appendix  ” says : 

In  the  highest  antiquity,  government  was  carried  on  success- 
fully by  the  use  of  knotted  cords  to  preserve  the  memory  of 
things.  In  subsequent  ages,  the  sages  substituted  for  these 
written  characters  and  bonds.  By  means  of  these,  the  doings 
of  all  the  officials  could  be  regulated,  and  the  affairs  of  all  the 
people  accurately  examined.2 

This  was  the  last  thing  in  the  economic  development  of 
ancient  China. 

1 See  infra. 

2 Yi  King,  pp.  382-5. 


126  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


The  age  of  Huang  Ti,  Yao  and  Shun  was  in  the  agri- 
cultural stage.  Through  the  improvements  of  navigation 
and  transportation,  it  belonged  also  to  the  stage  of  primitive 
commerce.  But  what  made  this  age  a great  advance  was 
that  it  had  reached  the  beginning  of  the  primitive  in- 
dustrial stage.  The  ships  and  oars,  the  carts  and  chariots, 
the  gates  and  clappers,  the  pestles  and  mortars,  the  bows 
and  arrows,  the  ridgebeams  and  projecting  roofs,  the  dif- 
ferent coffins,  and  the  tablets  which  were  to  be  written,  all 
these  things  required  some  kind  of  skilled  labor.  And 
above  all,  there  was  the  silk  industry.  It  changed  the 
face  of  the  whole  society,  and  distinguished  the  social  order 
by  the  system  of  dress.  It  marked  a great  advance  not  only 
in  the  economic  development,  but  also  in  the  social  and 
political  organization. 

Looking  at  the  whole  chapter  of  the  “Appendix,”  we 
can  see  it  is  really  a historical  treatise  on  Chinese  economic 
development.  Or,  since  the  writer  of  the  “Appendix  ” 
would  be  interested  in  the  general  development  of  Chinese 
civilization  as  a whole,  and  not  in  the  economic  develop- 
ment particularly,  we  may  better  say  that  it  is  certainly  an 
economic  interpretation  of  history.  From  its  beginning  to 
its  end,  it  mentions  thirteen  things;  and,  except  four  things 
only — namely,  the  eight  trigrams,  the  double  gates  and 
clappers,  the  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  written  characters 
and  bonds — all  of  them  are  absolutely  essential  to  economic 
civilization.  Moreover,  even  among  those  four  things,  the 
double  gates  and  clappers  and  the  bows  and  arrows  are 
mainly  for  the  protection  of  economic  life;  and  the  dif- 
ferent forms  of  writing,  from  the  eight  trigrams  to  the 
written  characters  and  bonds,  are  partially  for  the  develop- 
ment of  economic  life.  In  short,  economic  development  is 
the  principal  factor  of  civilization,  while  writing  is  the  most 
important  tool  to  promote  civilization. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


127 


The  “Appendix  ” was  written  by  the  immediate  pupils  of 
Confucius,  and  its  importance  is  equal  to  that  of  the  “ Great 
Learning”  and  the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean.”  It  was  the 
basis  of  the  philosophical  schools  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  and 
it  gave  a great  impetus  to  thought.  But  the  Schools  of  the 
Sung  did  not  understand  this  chapter  well,  so  that  the 
economic  development  of  China  has  been  retarded  since  that 
time.  The  reason  was  simply  that  they  did  not  know  that 
technical  invention  and  material  welfare  are  the  chief  cause 
of  civilization.  If  we  read  this  chapter  carefully,  we  see 
how  important  to  the  progress  of  civilization  economic  de- 
velopment is  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Confucians. 

Besides  this  chapter,  we  should  like  to  quote  four  pas- 
sages more  from  the  “Appendix,”  in  order  to  show  that 
Confucianism  is  somewhat  materialistic  and  praises  technical 
invention  very  highly.  It  says : “ The  sages,  fully  under- 
standing the  way  of  Heaven,  and  having  clearly  ascertained 
the  experience  of  the  people,  invented  these  divine  things 
as  a provision  for  the  use  of  the  people.”  1 As  the  “Ap- 
pendix ” calls  such  material  things  “ divine  things  ” and 
the  results  of  “ the  way  of  Heaven  ”,  we  can  see  how 
materialistic  is  Confucianism;  nay,  we  may  even  say  that 
Confucianism  is  a religion  of  the  economic  world.  It  gives 
its  explanation  as  follows  : 

The  first  appearance  of  anything  as  a bud  is  what  we  call  a 
semblance ; when  it  has  received  its  complete  form  we  call  it 
an  article.  How  to  make  and  how  to  use  it  is  what  we  call 
a law.  The  utilities  arising  from  it  in  external  and  internal 
matters,  so  that  the  people  all  use  it,  stamp  it  with  a character 
which  we  call  divine.2 

Again,  it  says : “ In  preparing  material  things  for  the  reali- 


1 Yi  King,  o.  372. 


2 Ibid.,  p.  373. 


128  THE  economic  principles  OF  CONFUCIUS 


zation  of  practical  use,  and  inventing  the  complete  articles 
for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  world,  there  are  none  greater 
than  the  sages.”  1 Hence,  the  Confucians  call  all  the  great 
inventors  by  the  name  of  sages.  It  says  again : 

That  which  is  antecedent  to  the  material  form  exists,  we  say, 
as  a principle,  and  that  which  is  subsequent  to  the  material 
form  exists,  we  say,  as  an  article.  Transforming  and  shaping 
it  is  what  we  call  change.  Carrying  it  out  and  putting  it  in 
operation  is  what  we  call  success.  Taking  the  result  and  set- 
ting it  forth  for  all  the  people  of  the  whole  world  is  what  we 
call  the  business  of  life.2 

This  passage  is  simply  an  explanation  of  the  process  of 
invention.  It  traces  back  to  the  beginning  when  there  is 
merely  a principle  without  anything  existing,  and  comes 
down  to  the  end  when  the  article  is  utilized  in  the  business 
of  life.  By  these  four  passages,  we  can  understand  per- 
fectly that  the  Confucians  take  technical  invention  as  the 
basis  of  economic  development,  and  the  economic  develop- 
ment as  the  basis  of  all  civilization. 

What  Confucius  discusses  in  the  “ Evolution  of  Civiliza- 
tion ” and  what  the  “Appendix  ” narrates  is  the  economic 
development  of  the  earliest  China.  But  we  should  like  to  say 
something  about  the  economic  progress  made  about  the 
time  of  Confucius.  The  Chou  dynasty,  as  we  know,  was 
the  period  of  maturity  of  the  Chinese  civilization.  In  the 
beginning  of  this  dynasty  (about  571  B.  K.  or  1122  B.  C.), 
there  were  two  great  statesmen ; the  Duke  of  Chou  and  T‘ai 
Rung.  They  both  were  very  efficient  in  developing  Chinese 
economic  civilization.  But  T‘ai  Rung,  especially,  after  he 
withdrew  from  the  imperial  government  and  came  to  his 
feudal  state,  Ch‘i,  devoted  all  his  attention  to  economic 
development,  and  made  Ch‘i  the  chief  state  for  industry 


1 Yi  King,  p.  373. 


2 Ibid.,  p.  377. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


1 29 

and  commerce  in  the  Chinese  world.  This  was  the  hirst 
time  that  China  rose  to  the  stage  of  national  economy ; and 
even  began  to  reach  that  of  international  economy. 

Later,  Ch‘i  declined ; but  Kuan  Chung,  or  Kuan  Tzu 
(died  93  B.  K.  or  644  B.  C.),  minister  of  Ch‘i,  raised  Ch‘i 
again  to  the  chief  state  of  industry  and  commerce,  and  its 
prosperity  lasted  until  the  end  of  its  political  life  (331  A.  K. 
or  221  B.  C. ).  In  the  period  of  Spring  and  Autumn  (171 
B.  K.— 71  A.  K.  or  722 — 481  B.  C. ),  there  were  many  in- 
dustrial and  commercial  states  besides  Ch‘i;  hence,  economic 
civilization  in  the  time  of  Confucius  was  highly  developed. 
This  period  was  really  in  the  stage  of  international  economy 
or  world  economy.  Of  course,  what  the  ancient  Chinese 
called  world  was  simply  the  Chinese  world.  But  we  must 
understand  that  the  territory  of  the  leading  states  of  this 
period  was  really  equal  to  that  of  the  leading  European 
states  in  modern  times.  Therefore,  there  is  no  reason  why 
we  should  not  call  it  world  economy.  In  the  period  of  War- 
ring States  (149-331  A.  K.  or  403 — 221  B.  C.),  the  whole 
Chinese  world  was  divided  up  into  only  seven  states,  and 
economic  development  was  still  higher.  This  period  was 
the  most  dynamic  in  the  whole  history  of  China,  and  it 
marked  the  sharp  distinction  between  ancient  and  modern 
China.  Such  a dynamic  condition  was  ended  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Han  dynasty  (about  412  A.  K.  or  140  B.  C.). 

Taking  Chinese  history  as  a whole,  we  may  divide  the 
economic  stages  as  follows:  From  the  standpoint  of  the  re- 
lation of  production  to  consumption,  the  period  from  the 
beginning  of  Chinese  history  to  the  beginning  of  the  Chou 
dynasty  was  the  stage  of  self-sufficing  or  isolated  economy ; 
that  from  that  period  to  the  period  of  Spring  and  Autumn 
was  the  stage  of  local  or  village  economy ; and  that  from 
that  period  to  the  present  day  was  and  is,  the  stage  of  na- 
tional economy.  Of  course,  such  a division  is  very  rough. 


130  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OP  CONFUCIUS 

If  we  want  to  get  a finer  division,  we  may  say  that  the 
period  preceding  the  age  of  Spring  and  Autumn  was  an- 
cient economy ; that  the  period  covering  the  age  of  Spring 
and  Autumn  and  that  of  Warring  States  was  a transitional 
period;  and  that  the  period  from  the  Ch‘in  dynasty  (331, 
or  221  B.  C. ) to  the  present  was  modern  economy.  From 
the  political  point  of  view,  the  period  preceding  the  Ch'in 
dynasty  was  feudalism,  and  that  after  that  dynasty  was  ab- 
solute monarchy;  and  from  the  economic  point  of  view,  the 
former  period  was  marked  by  the  government  ownership 
of  land,  and  the  latter  period,  by  its  private  ownership. 
These  are  the  only  general  statements  we  can  make. 

If  we  wish  to  make  a general  comparison  between  China 
and  Europe,  we  may  say  that  China  passed  through  the  pas- 
toral stage  in  a short  period,  but  has  stayed  in  the  agricul- 
tural stage  for  a very  long  time ; and  that  Europe  had 
stayed  in  the  pastoral  stage  for  a very  long  time,  but  passed 
through  the  agricultural  stage  in  a short  period.  We  do 
not  wish  to  go  into  the  details  of  history,  but  we  may  pick 
out  some  features  of  the  present  day  in  order  to  show  some 
of  the  more  striking  contrasts  between  the  Chinese  and 
the  European  economic  civilizations. 

First,  we  may  take  up  foods.  In  the  western  world, 
steaks  and  chops  are  the  principal  meats,  but  their  cooking 
is  quite  simple,  because  they  are  merely  burned  by  fire. 
Milk  is  a common  drink,  and  butter  is  used  as  oil.  These 
foods  are  quite  similar  to  those  consumed  by  the  Huns 
described  in  the  Han  dynasty.  In  China,  the  people  have 
much  more  varied  food,  and  their  cutting,  seasoning  and 
cooking  are  much  finer  and  more  complex.  Milk  is  not  a 
common  drink  in  China,  and  the  Chinese  do  not  use  butter, 
but  peanut  oil. 

Second,  we  may  take  up  the  subject  of  dress.  In 

the  western  world,  wool  is  the  principal  material  for 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


I3I 

clothes  and  hats,  and  leather  for  shoes.  The  men’s  dress 
is  simple  in  color;  and  the  children  in  most  countries 
wear  only  short  trousers  and  short  dresses,  having  their 
legs  below  the  knees  covered  only  by  stockings.  Furs  and 
feathers  are  still  used  by  women,  not  only  for  warmth,  but 
also  for  fashion.  In  China,  silk,  linen  and  cotton  are  the 
principal  materials  for  clothes,  hats,  or  shoes.  The  men’s 
dress  has  different  colors,  and  the  children  do  not  purposely 
expose  any  part  of  their  body.  The  people  wear  furs  only 
as  fur  coats,  but  never  use  feathers.  All  these  things  show 
that  Europe  has  passed  the  pastoral  stage  only  a short  time 
ago,  and  still  has  indications  of  the  survival  of  that  stage ; 
and  that  China  has  long  since  come  to  the  agricultural  stage, 
and  has  the  indications  of  the  agricultural  life. 

It  is  fortunate  for  Europe  and  unfortunate  for  China, 
however,  that  Europe  has  come  to  the  true  industrial  stage 
much  earlier  than  China.  The  great  difference  is  marked 
by  machinery.  Besides  food  and  dress,  moreover,  the  build- 
ing of  Europe  is  better  than  that  of  China.  It  is  probably 
because  in  the  ancient  times,  Greece  and  Rome  had  slaves 
for  erecting  their  buildings,  and  in  the  medieval  times,  the 
church  and  the  feudal  princes  had  great  power  to  build  up 
the  churches  and  castles.  But  in  China,  there  was  no 
slavery;  the  church  had  no  such  power;  and  the  feudal 
princes  were  not  so  oppressive  as  those  in  Europe.  What- 
ever the  cause  may  have  been,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Chinese  buildings  are  inferior  to  those  of  Europe.  The 
chief  defects  of  Chinese  buildings  are  that  the  material  of 
the  walls  is  brick  instead  of  stone,  and  that  the  inside  struc- 
ture is  finished  in  wood,  for  the  most  part,  that  is,  there 
are  wooden  beams  and  wooden  pillars  to  support  the  roof, 
and  wooden  floors.  Hence  they  do  not  endure  very  long. 
Moreover,  the  Chinese  have  not  shown  any  great  interest 
in  preserving  their  old  buildings.  Therefore,  even  though 


132  THE  economic  principles  OF  CONFUCIUS 

there  have  been  many  good  buildings,  they  have  been  de- 
stroyed during  the  revolutions  of  different  dynasties. 

II.  THEORY  OF  PROGRESS 

From  different  writings,  we  may  infer  the  theory  of  pro- 
gress of  Confucius.  There  is  no  better  example  than  the 
principle  of  The  Three  Stages,  as  pointed  out  above,1  for 
proof  that  Confucius  believed  in  progress.  But  the  prin- 
ciple of  The  Three  Stages  is  very  general,  and  it  can  be  ap- 
plied to  every  case.  If  we  wish  to  get  a specific  theory 
about  economic  progress,  we  may  come  to  the  tsing  tien  sys- 
tem, and  see  how  Confucius  expects  that  general  progress  of 
every  kind  will  result  from  this  system.  On  this  specific 
point,  his  theory  of  progress  is  periodical,  and  can  be  meas- 
ured by  the  length  of  one  year,  three  years,  nine  years, 
eighteen  years,  twenty-seven  years,  and  thirty  years.  Ac- 
cording to  his  theory,  progress  can  be  realized  within  three 
years,  and  it  can  be  completed  within  thirty  years.  It  comes 
from  the  tsing  tien  system,  and  we  shall  take  the  inter- 
pretation of  Pan  Ku  from  his  “ Economic  History.”2 
Under  the  tsing  tien  system,  in  the  cultivation  of  three 
years,  the  people  have  a surplus  of  food  sufficient  for  one 
year.  Hence,  the  sense  of  pride  and  shame  is  developed, 
and  quarrels  and  litigations  do  not  exist.  Therefore,  every 
three  years,  an  examination  of  merit  is  given  to  the  officials. 
Confucius  says:  “If  there  were  any  of  the  princes  who 
would  employ  me,  in  the  course  of  twelve  months,  I should 
have  done  something  considerable.  In  three  years,  the  work 
would  be  accomplished.”  3 In  saying  that  the  work  would 
be  accomplished  in  three  years,  he  refers  to  the  tsing  tien 
system.  From  his  point  of  view,  tsing  tien  is  not  only  a 

1 See  supra,  pp.  16-20. 

s History  of  Han,  ch.  xxiv. 

* Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  267. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


133 


theoretical  system,  but  a practical  one;  and  the  period  of 
three  years  is  the  first  step  of  progress.  In  nine  years, 
after  three  examinations  have  been  held,  the  undeserving 
officials  are  degraded,  and  the  deserving  promoted.  There 
is  a surplus  of  food  sufficient  for  three  years ; and  the  im- 
provement of  the  occupations  of  the  people  is  called  “ ad- 
vancement.” In  eighteen  years,  there  are  two  periods  of 
“ advancement  ”,  and  such  a condition  is  called  “ peace  ” ; 
the  surplus  of  food  is  sufficient  for  six  years.  In  twenty- 
seven  years,  there  are  three  periods  of  “ advancement  ”,  and 
this  is  called  “ extreme  peace  ” ; the  surplus  of  food  is  suffi- 
cient for  nine  years.  Then  virtue  prevails,  and  the  govern- 
ment is  perfected.  Confucius  says:  “ If  a true  king  were 
to  arise,  it  would  still  require  a generation,  and  then  the 
benevolent  government  would  be  complete.”  1 He  means 
that  the  completion  of  the  tsing  tien  system  requires  thirty 
years.  Kung-yang’s  Commentary  says:  “ If  the  system  of 
tithes,  [the  whole  system  of  tsing  tien],  shall  prevail,  the 
praise  of  peace  will  arise.” 

Although  the  tendency  of  the  tsing  tien  system  is  to  level 
the  whole  society  into  a static  condition,  there  is,  at  the 
same  time,  a dynamic  principle.  In  every  period  of  nine 
years,  it  requires  a total  improvement  in  all  the  different 
occupations that  is,  among  all  the  agricultural  and  in- 
dustrial occupations  no  stationary  condition  is  allowed. 
Such  an  improvement  is  called  by  the  name  of  advancement ; 
two  steps  of  advancement  are  called  by  the  name  of  peace ; 
three  steps  of  advancement,  extreme  peace.  It  is  peculiar 
enough  that  the  name  of  peace  or  extreme  peace  is  assigned 
for  the  advancement  of  the  occupations  of  the  people;  it 
means  that  we  can  obtain  the  stage  of  peace  only  by  the 
improvement  of  productive  power.  Therefore,  for  the  in- 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  267. 


*34 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


dividuals,  the  tsing  tien  system  does  not  give  anyone  an 
advantage;  it  is  a static  model.  But  for  society  as  a whole, 
advancements  are  necessary;  and  it  is  the  dynamic  principle. 
This  is  the  theory  of  progress  of  Confucius. 

His  theory  of  progress,  however,  is  based  on  many 
phases.  Some  of  them  have  been  discussed  above,  and  the 
others  will  be  discussed  later.  If  we  want  to  sum  up  his 
whole  theory  of  progress  in  a few  words,  it  will  be: 

I.  The  Abolition  of  War.  A peaceful  society  is 
necessary  for  industrial  development.1 

II.  Technical  Invention.  It  is  the  basis  of  economic 
progress,  and  is  also  the  basis  of  all  other 
progress.2 

III.  The  Control  of  Nature.  It  makes  man  the 
rival  and  the  assistant  of  Heaven  and  Earth.3 

IV.  The  Tsing  Tien  System.  Everyone  has  an  equal 
share  of  the  most  important  part  of  the  means 
of  production.4 

V.  The  I'niversally  Free  Education.  It  gives 
everyone  equal  opportunity  for  intellectual  and 
moral  development.5 

VI.  The  Election  System.  It  makes  a representa- 
tive government  based  on  the  educational 
system.6 

VII.  The  Great  Similarity.  It  abolishes  such  social 
institutions  as  state,  family  and  private  prop- 
erty.7 

1 See  infra. 

2 See  supra,  pp.  119-128. 

3 See  infra. 

4 See  infra. 

5 See  supra,  pp.  82-84. 

6 See  supra,  pp  87-93. 

7 See  supra,  pp.  18-20. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


I35 


VIII.  The  Change  of  Human  Nature.  The  end  of 
the  Confucian  system  is  to  make  human  nature 
perfect. 

All  other  phases  are  discussed  in  other  places,  and  we 
shall  discuss  here  only  the  last  one,  the  change  of  human 
nature.  Since  there  are  many  different  views  regarding 
human  nature,  we  must  go  back  to  Confucius  first.  He 
says  : “ By  nature,  men  are  nearly  alike ; by  practice,  they  get 
to  be  wide  apart.”  Again,  he  says:  “ There  are  only  the 
wise  of  the  highest  class,  and  the  stupid  of  the  lowest  class, 
who  cannot  be  changed.”  1 From  this  point  of  view,  there- 
fore, human  nature  is  about  the  same  everywhere  and  in 
everyone,  but  it  generally  can  be  greatly  changed.  What 
Confucius  means  by  nature  is  the  qualities  received  by  birth, 
the  same  meaning  that  has  been  given  by  the  Adjunct  to  the 
Canon  of  Filial  Piety  and  by  Kao  Tzu.  Mencius  and  Hsun 
Tzu  both  differ  from  Confucius  in  their  views,  and  each 
opposes  the  other.  Hsun  Tzu  holds  that  human  nature  is 
evil ; hence  education  is  the  most  important  thing  for  the 
correction  of  human  nature.  Mencius  holds  that  human 
nature  is  good ; hence  the  only  thing  which  is  needed  is  to 
extend  what  man  already  has.  They  both  are  not  quite  cor- 
rect, but  each  has  established  his  doctrine.  If  we  make  a 
compromise,  we  may  say  that  Hsun  Tzu  speaks  of  human 
nature  in  the  stage  of  Small  Tranquility,  and  that  Mencius 
speaks  of  it  in  that  of  Great  Similarity.  If  they  have  dif- 
ferent stages  in  mind,  their  doctrines  are  both  correct. 

According  to  the  theory  of  Confucius,  in  the  stage  of 
Great  Similarity  or  Extreme  Peace,  human  nature  is  good. 
As  we  have  quoted  before,  in  the  Great  Similarity  selfish 
schemings  are  repressed  and  find  no  way  to  arise.  This 
means  that  the  selfishness  of  human  nature  is  changed.  In 


' Classics,  vol.  i.  p.  318. 


j36  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

the  Spring  and  Autumn,  the  Extreme  Peace  Stage  is  that 
in  which  everyone  in  the  world  conducts  himself  like  the 
superior  man,  and  all  the  barbarians  become  civilized. 
Therefore,  changing  human  nature  so  that  it  will  be  per- 
fectly good  is  the  final  aim  of  Confucianism. 

But  how  can  we  go  about  changing  human  nature? 
Simply  by  means  of  those  seven  things  just  mentioned  above, 
but  the  chief  thing  is  economic  prosperity.  Mencius  is 
the  chief  representative  of  those  who  advocate  that  human 
nature  is  good,  yet  he  still  says  that  in  good  years  the 
children  of  people  are  most  of  them  good,  while  in  bad 
years  the  most  of  them  abandon  themselves  to  evil.1  There- 
fore. the  human  nature  changes  to  either  good  or  evil  in 
accordance  with  the  economic  condition.  If  there  is  econo- 
mic prosperity  equally  distributed  to  everyone,  the  nature 
of  the  people  must  be  good.  Mencius  says : “ When  a sage 
governs  the  world,  he  will  cause  pulse  and  grain  to  be  as 
abundant  as  water  and  fire.  If  pulse  and  grain  are  as 
abundant  as  water  and  fire,  how  shall  the  people  be  other 
than  virtuous?”  2 Therefore,  if  we  shall  come  to  the  high- 
est development  of  the  economic  world,  we  shall  come  also 
to  the  highest  development  of  the  ethical  world.  The  former 
is  the  cause,  and  the  latter  is  the  effect.  Hence,  Confucius 
regards  economic  progress  as  the  means,  and  moral  per- 
fection as  the  end.  If  we  understand  this,  we  have  the 
general  view  of  his  theory  of  progress. 

Besides  economic  prosperity  as  a general  condition,  Con- 
fucius has  a special  device  for  changing  human  nature.  As 
we  have  seen,  Confucius  makes  universally  free  education 
a necessary  institution;  it  is  really  a most  important  force 
for  modifying  human  nature.  But  the  educational  system 
of  Confucius  begins  not  only  in  the  school  age  of  a child, 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  404. 


5 Ibid.,  p.  46.3. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT 


137 

but  even  before  his  birth.  This  is  a peculiar  doctrine  of 
Confucius,  and  it  is  known  as  gestatory  education. 

According  to  Elder  Tai's  Record  of  Rites,  the  first  thing 
in  gestatory  education  is  the  choice  of  the  mother.  There- 
fore, when  the  parents  choose  the  wife  of  their  son,  they 
must  select  her  from  among  those  families  which  have  had 
a high  standard  of  morality  for  all  generations.  There  are 
five  women  who  are  not  to  be  taken  in  marriage:  (1)  the 
daughter  of  a rebellious  house;  (2)  the  daughter  of  a dis- 
orderly house;  (3)  the  daughter  of  a house  which  has  pro- 
duced criminals  for  more  than  one  generation;  (4)  the 
daughter  of  a leprous  house;  (5)  the  daughter  who  has  lost 
her  mother  and  has  grown  old.1 

When  a woman  is  pregnant,  the  rules  are  as  follows : 
While  sleeping,  she  should  lie  on  her  back;  while  sitting  or 
standing,  the  body  should  be  in  an  upright  position,  and  the 
weight  evenly  distributed.  She  should  not  laugh  too  loudly ; 
nor  eat  food  of  bad  flavors,  nor  anything  which  is  not  cut 
properly ; nor  sit  down  on  anything  which  is  not  placed  prop- 
erly. The  eyes  should  not  see  bad  colors,  the  ears  should 
not  hear  bad  sounds,  and  the  mouth  should  not  utter  bad 
words.  She  should  read  good  poetry,  and  tell  good  stories. 
By  this  means,  the  child  will  be  physically,  morally,  and 
mentally  excellent.  Whenever  a woman  is  pregnant,  she 
must  be  very  watchful  in  regard  to  the  things  by  which 
the  mind  is  affected.  If  she  is  affected  by  good  things, 
the  child  will  be  good;  if  by  bad  things,  he  will  be  bad. 
I hese  are  the  rules  of  gestatory  education.  The  mothers 
of  Wen  Wang  and  of  Ch'eng  Wang  are  good  examples  of 
such  educators. 

When  a child  is  born,  moreover,  he  receives  the  family 
education  for  a long  time  before  he  goes  to  school.  There- 


1 Bk  lxxx. 


! 38  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

fore,  Confucius  says : “ When  a child  is  trained  completely, 
his  education  is  just  as  strong  as  his  nature;  and  when  he 
practices  anything  perpetually,  he  will  do  it  naturally  as  a 
permanent  habit.”  1 

This  is  Confucius’  plan  for  changing  human  nature.  If 
every  generation  of  the  world  would  put  it  in  practice,  hu- 
man nature  would  soon  be  perfect.  It  is  the  same  principle 
as  that  man  should  control  nature  in  the  economic  world. 
Man  must  control  nature  not  only  without  him,  but  also 
within  him,  so  that  progress  will  be  complete  and  continuous. 


1 Bk.  xlviii. 


CHAPTER  X 


Economic  Organization 

I.  THE  WHOLE  WORLD  AS  THE  LARGEST  ORGANIZATION 

When  we  come  to  the  topic  of  economic  organization, 
we  must  say  that  according  to  the  view  of  Confucius,  there 
are  two  organizations.  The  one  is  the  largest — the  world ; 
the  other,  the  smallest — the  family.  As  Chinese  philosophy 
is  mostly  synthetical,  going  from  the  whole  to  the  part,  and 
as  world  economy  is  a special  theme  of  Confucius,  we  shall 
take  up  the  largest  organization  first,  in  order  to  show  the 
economic  thought  of  Confucius  prominently  and  clearly. 

How  do  we  know  that  Confucius  regards  the  world  as 
an  economic  organizatien ? It  is  found  in  the  “Great 
Learning.”  The  “ Great  Learning  ” may  be  called  the 
catalogue  of  the  teachings  of  Confucius.  The  objects  of 
the  principles  of  the  “ Great  Learning  ” are  three : to 
brighten  the  brilliant  virtue,  to  renovate  the  people,  and  to 
rest  in  the  highest  excellence.  The  first  object  is  to  care 
for  the  individual  himself ; the  second  for  the  other  people 
as  a whole;  the  third  is  the  perfect  state  which  forms  the 
goal  for  the  other  two  objects.  Having  understood  these  three 
objects,  we  now  come  to  its  eight  subjects:  (i)  the  in- 
vestigation of  things;  (2)  the  extension  of  knowledge; 
(3)  sincerity  of  thought;  (4)  composing  the  mind;  (5) 
the  cultivation  of  the  personality;  (6)  the  regulation  of  the 
family;  (7)  the  governing  of  the  state;  (8)  the  equaliza- 
tion of  the  whole  world.  These  eight  subjects  are  taken 
step  by  step,  one  following  another;  yet  the  student  must 

i39 


1 4o  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

have  the  whole  world  in  view  from  the  beginning. 
Among  all  the  eight  subjects,  the  cultivation  of  the  person- 
ality is  the  root  of  everything.  From  this  point,  Confucius 
regards  the  individual  as  the  unit.  But  sincerity  of  thought 
is,  in  turn,  the  root  of  cultivating  the  personality. 

Having  understood  the  whole  outline  of  the  “ Great 
Learning,”  we  come  now  to  see  how  Confucius  regards  the 
whole  world  as  an  economic  unit.  We  have  already  seen 
that  Confucius  ascribes  very  much  importance  to  economic 
life.  But,  in  the  “ Great  Learning,”  he  does  not  say  a single 
word  about  economic  life  until  the  last  chapter — namely, 
the  equalization  of  the  whole  world.  It  is  not  for  the 
cultivation  of  the  personality,  not  for  the  regulation  of 
the  family,  not  for  the  governing  of  the  state,  but  for  the 
equalization  of  the  whole  world,  that  Confucius  gives  his 
economic  principles.  He  feels  that  the  whole  world  is  the 
economic  unit,  and  that  the  economic  life  can  never  be 
confined  to  any  particular  person,  family  or  state.  The 
student  can  never  study  economics  completely  unless  he 
takes  the  world  as  a whole.  And  the  world  can  never 
be  equalized  unless  the  economic  life  of  the  whole  world  is 
equal.  This  is  a special  concept  of  Confucius. 

The  economic  principles  given  in  the  “ Great  Learning  ” 
are  conspicuous  above  all  the  other  economic  principles  given 
in  other  Confucian  books.  The  reason  is  simply  that  the 
“ Great  Learning  ” simplifies  the  principles  for  equalizing 
the  world  into  only  two  things — -namely,  employing  the  best 
men,  and  administering  wealth.  Hence,  everyone  knows 
that  a part  of  the  “ Great  Learning  ” is  devoted  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  economics.  What  we  wish  to  emphasize  is,  how- 
ever, that  Confucius  has  the  world  economy  in  his  mind, 
and  that  he  thinks  about  the  world  as  an  economic  unit. 

But  we  must  understand  that  the  economic  principles 
of  the  “ Great  Learning  ” are  very  general.  Although  they 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


14I 

are  given  in  the  chapter  on  the  equalization  of  the  world 
it  does  not  mean  that  they  are  fitted  only  for  world  economy. 
Indeed,  they  can  be  applied  to  either  a person,  a family,  or 
a state. 

All  other  economic  principles  given  in  the  “ Great  Learn- 
ing ” are  quoted  in  other  places,  and  we  shall  quote  here 
only  one,  the  fundamental  principle  of  world  economy ; — 
namely,  the  principle  of  reciprocity.  It  is  stated  in  a meta- 
phorical sense  as  follows : 

What  you  do  not  like  above,  do  not  place  below ; what  you  do 
not  like  below,  do  not  place  above ; what  you  do  not  like  in 
front,  do  not  shift  to  the  back;  what  you  do  not  like  in  back, 
do  not  turn  to  the  front ; what  you  do  not  like  on  the  right,  do 
not  bestow  on  the  left;  what  you  do  not  like  on  the  left,  do 
not  bestow  on  the  right ; — this  is  what  is  called  the  principle 
with  which  we  are,  as  with  a measuring-square,  to  establish 
the  law  of  justice.1 

The  principle  of  reciprocity,  as  stated  in  the  second  chap- 
ter, is  one  of  the  fundamental  concepts  of  Confucius.  But 
there  it  is  discussed  from  the  purely  moral  point  of  view. 
Here  we  must  consider  it  from  the  economic  and  political 
point  of  view.  The  principle  is  the  same,  but  its  applica- 
tion is  a little  different.  Taking  this  principle  as  the  basis 
of  world  economy,  it  develops  commercial  policy  and  in- 
ternational law.  It  is  the  golden  rule  of  the  business  world, 
and  we  cannot  say  that  there  is  no  moral  standard  for 
politics  and  diplomacy. 

The  economic  system  of  Confucius  is  not  nationalism,  but 
cosmopolitanism.  Before  Confucius,  economic  theories 
were  mostly  like  the  doctrines  of  the  mercantile  school  and 
took  the  nation  as  the  unit.  The  chief  representative  was 
Kuan  Tzu,  who  was  the  most  successful  minister  for  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  373-4. 


I42  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

realization  of  mercantilism  and  of  state  socialism.  He  was 
the  first  one  to  have  a complete  economic  system  which  we 
can  see  to-day.  But  we  have  no  room  to  deal  with  his 
economy,  and  the  only  reason  we  mention  him  is  to  contrast 
him  with  Confucius. 

i.  Doctrine  of  Peace 

The  most  important  principle  for  international  relations 
is  the  doctrine  of  peace.  This  doctrine  is  based  not  only 
on  the  principle  of  humanity,  but  also  on  that  of  utility. 
Confucius  says:  “Talking  about  sincere  agreement  and 
cultivating  universal  peace  are  what  are  called  the  advant- 
ages of  men.  Fighting,  plundering,  and  killing  each  other 
are  what  are  called  the  calamities  of  men.”  1 In  the  Spring 
and  Autumn,  Confucius  records  about  four  hundred  wars 
within  the  period  of  two  hundred  and  forty-two  years,  and 
condemns  them  all,  for  war  is  contrary  to  the  principle  of 
humanity.  Therefore,  Mencius  says  that  in  the  Spring  and 
Autumn  there  are  no  righteous  wars.  He  holds  that  mili- 
tary force  is  used  only  as  a punishment  by  the  supreme  au- 
thority to  its  subjects,  but  that  the  independent  states  have 
no  right  to  engage  in  such  punitive  war  against  one  another.2 

For  the  condemnation  of  war,  Mencius  gives  many  pas- 
sages in  very  strong  language.  He  says : 

When  contentions  about  territory  are  the  ground  on  which 
they  fight,  they  slaughter  men  till  the  fields  are  filled  with 
them.  When  some  struggle  for  a city  is  the  ground  on  which 
they  fight,  they  slaughter  men  till  the  city  is  filled  with  them. 
This  is  what  is  called  “ leading  on  the  land  to  devour  human 
flesh  ”.  Death  is  not  enough  for  such  a crime.  Therefore, 
those  who  are  skilful  in  fighting,  should  suffer  the  highest 
punishment.3 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  380. 

a Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  478.  5 Ibid.,  p.  305. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


M3 

He  says  again : “ Those  who  say  that  we  can,  for  our  sover- 
eign, form  alliances  with  other  states,  so  that  our  battles 
must  be  successful,  are  nowadays  called  good  ministers,  but 
anciently  they  were  called  pests  of  the  people.”  1 Mencius 
also  calls  such  persons  the  destroyers  of  the  people.2  More- 
over, he  condemns  not  only  the  ministers,  but  also  the  rulers. 
When  he  speaks  of  King  Hui  of  Liang,  who  to  gain  terri- 
tory, tore  and  destroyed  his  people  in  battle,  he  condemns 
him  as  brutal. s Therefore,  according  to  the  principle  of 
Confucius,  there  is  no  absolute  justification  for  any  war; 
it  is  only  that  some  wars  are  relatively  better  than  others. 
Hence,  war  should  be  abolished. 

The  doctrine  of  peace  is  harmonious  with  economic 
principles.  First,  it  makes  the  life  of  man  more  valuable 
than  the  land.  In  the  Analects . Confucius  attaches  the  chief 
importance  to  the  life  of  the  people;  even  food  ranks  only 
second.  In  the  Spring  and  Autumn , he  condemns  those 
who  employ  the  people  in  a bad  year  for  the  reparation  of 
an  old  house,  because  they  exploit  the  people  in  hard  labor. 
But  how  much  more  strongly  would  he  condemn  those  who 
injure  the  people  ? And  how  much  more  strongly  still  would 
he  condemn  those  who  kill  the  people  in  war?  Generally, 
the  object  of  war  is  getting  land.  But.  getting  land  by 
sacrificing  numerous  lives  of  the  people  is  a most  costly 
enterprise,  and  will  not  pay.  This  is  what  Mencius  calls 
sacrificing  what  is  really  dear  on  account  of  what  is  not  so 
dear.4  This  is  also  what  he  calls  “ leading  on  the  land 
to  devour  human  flesh.” 

Second,  it  makes  the  people’s  production  continuous,  and 
their  consumption  satisfactory.  As  a matter  of  fact,  war 
is  most  injurious  to  the  people,  although  it  may  give  a use- 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  441. 

3 Ibid.,  pp.  477-8. 


3 Ibid.,  p.  439. 
* Ibid.,  p.  478. 


144 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


less  glory  to  the  ruler.  Mencius  describes  the  suffering  of 
the  people  on  account  of  war  as  follows : “ The  rulers  of 
those  states  rob  their  people  of  their  time,  so  that  they  can- 
not plough  and  weed  their  fields  in  order  to  support  their 
parents.  Their  parents  suffer  from  cold  and  hunger. 
Brothers,  wives,  and  children  are  separated  and  scattered 
abroad.”  1 In  fact,  the  evils  of  war  are  the  interruption  of 
production,  the  lessening  of  consumption  and  the  destruction 
of  the  family.  It  is  only  peace  that  can  cure  these  evils. 

Third,  it  saves  the  economic  waste  in  the  preparation  for 
war.  Confucius  condemns  not  only  actual  war,  but  also  the 
preparation  for  it.  Preparation  for  war  is  a great  waste  of 
wealth,  and  a heavy  burden  upon  the  people.  Therefore, 
the  doctrine  of  peace  is  based  partially  on  economic  prin- 
ciples. 

Abolishing  war  and  changing  the  military  society  into  an 
industrial  one  is  the  common  wish  of  Confucious  and  his 
best  pupil,  Yen  Yuan.  The  Park  of  Narratives  2 tells  us 
that  when  Confucius  went  up  to  the  Nung  Mountain,  Tzu- 
lu,  Tzu-kung  and  Yen  Yuan  accompanied  him,  and  Con- 
fucius asked  them  each  to  tell  his  individual  wishes.  Tzu- 
lu  said  that  he  wished  to  raise  an  army  and  to  attack  the 
enemy,  so  that  he  was  sure  to  take  the  territory  for  a thous- 
and miles.  Tzu-kung  said  that  he  wished  to  wear  a white 
garment  and  a white  cap  to  persuade  the  two  armies  under 
the  white  swords,  in  order  to  take  away  the  calamity  of  the 
two  nations.  Yen  Yuan  said: 

I wish  to  have  a wise  king  or  a sage  ruler  and  to  become  his 
minister.  I shall  cause  the  city  walls  to  have  no  need  to  be  re- 
paired, the  ditches  and  moats  to  have  no  foe  to  cross  over 
them,  and  the  swords  and  spears  to  be  melted  for  the  making 
of  agricultural  implements.  I shall  cause  the  whole  world  to 


Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  135-6. 


2 Bk.  xv. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


H5 


have  no  calamity  of  war  for  thousands  of  years.  Under  such 
a condition,  how  can  Yu  go  to  fight  angrily?  And  how  can 
Tz‘u  go  to  make  arbitration  cheerfully? 

Then  Tzu-lu  asked  what  the  wish  of  Confucius  was.  He 
said:  “ What  I wish  to  do,  is  the  plan  of  the  son  of  Yen. 
I wish  to  carry  my  clothes  and  hats  and  to  follow  him.’’ 
This  conversation  shows  clearly  the  common  wish  of  Con- 
fucius and  Yen  Yuan.  The  aim  of  Tzu-lu  is  but  that  of 
a soldier;  that  of  Tzu-kung  is  but  that  of  a diplomatist; 
but  that  of  Yen  Yuan  and  Confucius  is  that  of  the  highest 
statesmanship,  and  the  plan  of  a sage.  The  most  im- 
portant sentence  is  “ the  swords  and  spears  are  melted  for 
the  making  of  agricultural  implements.”  Thus  one  would 
turn  the  instruments  for  killing  men  into  instruments  for 
nourishing  men,  and  change  the  soldiers  to  farmers;  in 
short,  the  military  society  would  be  entirely  destroyed,  and 
an  industrial  society  would  be  universally  and  permanently 
established.  This  is  the  ideal  of  Confucius. 

The  evils  of  feudalism,  with  its  constant  wars,  impressed 
Confucius  profoundly,  and  led  him  to  the  vision  of  a world- 
state  and  world-peace.  Plato’s  ideal  state,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  a small  city-state,  ever  ready  for  war.  The  spirit 
of  the  Chinese  people,  under  the  influence  of  Confucius’ 
teachings,  is  such  that  they  are  more  nearly  ready  than 
any  western  people  for  the  realization  of  this  lofty  vision.1 

II.  THE  FAMILY  AS  THE  SMALLEST  ORGANIZATION 

While  the  whole  world  is  the  largest  economic  organiza- 
tion. the  family  is  the  smallest  one,  and  the  one  having 
closest  economic  relation  to  the  individual.  As  long  as 
there  is  a family,  the  individual  never  can  make  his  economic 

1 In  the  second  book  of  Kang  Yu-wei’s  Book  on  the  Great  Similarity, 
the  details  of  how  the  world  is  to  be  united  are  given. 


I46  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

life  absolutely  independent.  Therefore,  the  family  life  is 
very  important  in  affecting  the  economic  life.  Whenever 
we  use  the  term  family  we  mean  that  there  are  at  least  two 
generations,  although  the  principal  factor  of  production  is 
only  of  one  generation.  Tor  example,  a family  means  hus- 
band and  wife.  But  it  may  have  either  old  parents,  or 
young  children,  or  both.  Hence,  it  may  include  three  gen- 
erations at  the  same  time.  But  in  any  case  it  must  have 
two  generations,  if  it  has  children.  Therefore,  we  may  con- 
sider the  family  as  an  economic  organization  from  two 
points  of  view, — namely,  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife, 
and  that  of  father  and  son. 

The  happy  life  of  the  family  in  Confucius’  mind  is  given 
in  the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean.”  It  first  quotes  from  the 
Canon  of  Poetry , as  follows  : 

Loving  union  with  wife  and  children, 

Is  like  the  music  of  lutes  and  harps; 

When  there  is  concord  among  brothers, 

The  harmony  is  delightful  $nd  enduring. 

Thus  you  make  your  family  happy, 

And  enjoy  pleasure  with  your  wife  and  children. 

Then  it  quotes  from  Confucius,  who  gives  to  this  poem  the 
following  appreciation:  “ In  such  a state  of  things,  parents 
have  entire  complacence!”  1 The  poem  itself  mentions  only 
wife  and  children,  and  brothers.  But  Confucius  adds  to 
them  the  parents,  in  order  to  make  the  happy  life  of  the 
family  complete.  This  is  what  Confucius  thinks  a happy 
family. 

i.  Relation  of  Husband  and  Wife 
According  to  the  social  system  of  Confucius,  the  relation 
of  husband  and  wife  is  the  starting-point.  He  always  puts 
the  matrimonial  significance  at  the  beginning  of  all  his  writ- 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  396-7. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


147 


ings.  The  “ Doctrine  of  the  Mean  ” says : “ The  way  of 
the  superior  man,  [Confucius],  is  beginning  with  its  course 
from  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife.  But  in  its  utmost 
reaches  it  shines  brightly  through  heaven  and  earth.”  1 

(a)  Marriage 

It  is  well  known  to  the  Western  world  that  marriage  in 
China  is  a matter  arranged  primarily  by  the  parents  of  the 
parties,  and  through  the  services  of  a go-between.  This 
was  an  old  custom,  and  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  teach- 
ings of  Confucius.  It  has,  of  course,  the  disadvantage  that 
the  contracting  parties  cannot  be  sure  in  advance  that  they 
are  perfectly  suited  to  each  other.  It  is  not  the  practice, 
however,  for  parents  to  disregard  the  wishes  of  their  chil- 
dren in  these  matters.  These  marriage  customs  are  a neces- 
sary consequence  of  the  Chinese  custom  which  forbids  social 
intercourse  between  the  sexes  prior  to  marriage— the  ob- 
vious reason  for  which  is,  of  course,  to  prevent  not  alone 
any  improper  relations,  but  even  the  suspicion  of  them.  In 
China  there  is  no  marriage  license  and  no  church  to  take 
charge  of  the  ceremony.  The  parents’  order  takes  the  place 
of  the  license,  and  the  go-between  takes  the  place  of  the 
minister  or  justice  of  the  peace. 

The  ninth  book  of  the  Record  of  Rites  says  : “ Once  mated 
with  her  husband,  all  her  life  she  will  not  change  her  feel- 
ing of  duty  to  him ; hence,  when  the  husband  dies  she  will 
not  marry  again.”  2 This  is  the  ideal  of  marriage.  But, 
at  the  death  of  her  husband,  if  her  age  is  below  fifty,  and 
that  of  her  son  below  fifteen,  and  he  has  no  close  relatives 
on  his  father’s  side  to  take  the  economic  responsibility,  the 
widow  may  marry  again.  Therefore,  according  to  the 
Canon  of  Rites,  a step-son  should  mourn  for  his  step-father, 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  393. 

5 Li  Ki,  bk.  ix,  p.  439. 


!48  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


who  is  the  second  husband  of  his  mother.1  The  fact  that 
Confucius  allows  the  woman  to  marry  a second  husband 
under  some  circumstances  shows  the  practicality  of  Con- 
fucianism. It  is  Ch'eng  Yi  (1584-1658  A.  K.  or  1033- 
1107  A.  D.)  who  first  says  that  a woman  should  not  marry 
a second  husband,  even  if  she  should  die  in  hunger.  But 
this  is  not  the  teaching  of  Confucius. 

(b)  Divorce 

Having  understood  the  proceeding  of  marriage,  we  now 
come  to  the  subject  of  divorce.  According  to  Elder  Tai’s 
Record  of  Rites,  there  are  seven  grounds  for  divorcing  a 
wife:  (1)  disobedience  to  parents-in-law;  (2)  not  giving 
birth  to  a son;  (3)  adultery:  (4)  jealousy  of  her  husband’s 
attentions,  that  is,  to  the  other  inmates  of  his  harem;  (5) 
leprosy;  (6)  talkativeness;  (7)  thieving.  But  there  are 
three  considerations  which  may  overrule  these  grounds : 
(1)  having  no  family  for  her  return;  (2)  having  passed 
through  the  three  years’  mourning  for  his  parents;  (3)  his 
condition  formerly  poor  and  mean,  and  now  rich  and  honor- 
able.2 But  these  rules  are  entirely  applied  only  to  the  classes 
of  the  great  officials,  the  students,  and  the  common  people. 
The  prince  can  divorce  his  wife  on  six  other  grounds,  but 
not  because  she  has  no  son.  And  the  emperor  cannot 
divorce  the  empress  on  any  ground,  but  simply  separates 
from  her.  These  rules  are  adopted  even  in  the  Law  Code 
of  the  Ts‘ing  Dynasty,  the  present  dynasty. 

Because  the  emperor,  the  prince,  and  also  the  great  offi- 
cials, have  not  so  much  freedom  of  divorce  as  those  below 
them,  they  do  not  consummate  the  marriage  upon  the  date 
of  marriage.  When  the  wife  comes  in,  she  lives  apart  from 
the  husband.  After  the  period  of  three  months,  she  is  pre- 
sented to  the  ancestral  temple,  and  begins  to  be  called  wife. 


’ Ch.  xxxi. 


J Bk.  1 xxx. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


149 


This  period  is  just  long  enough  for  the  examination  into 
her  character  and  for  her  special  training.  If  the  parents- 
in-law  and  husband  cannot  get  along  with  her,  she  can  re- 
turn to  her  family  a virgin,  and  can  marry  another  without 
any  trouble.  This  is  for  the  benefit  of  both  sides,  although 
the  men  get  more  advantage.  But  the  student  and  the  com- 
mon people  have  more  freedom  of  divorce,  so  that  they  con- 
summate the  marriage  the  same  night.  This  was  an  old 
custom. 

As  to  the  third  reason  for  the  prohibition  of  divorce,  that 
one  should  not  divorce  his  wife  if  his  condition  formerly 
was  poor  and  mean,  and  is  now  rich  and  honorable,  this 
provision  is  very  just.  But,  as  a matter  of  fact,  divorce  is 
generally  caused  by  economic  conditions.  In  the  Canon  of 
Poetry,  there  is  a poem  against  the  corrupt  custom  of 
divorce.  The  people  of  Wei  loved  new  wives  and  aban- 
doned the  old  ones.  Therefore,  the  poet,  speaking  for  the 
divorced  wives,  made  this  a subject  for  satire.  We  should 
like  to  quote  a few  lines  of  this  poem,  which  refer  to  the 
economic  aspect  of  the  affair. 

Whether  you  had  plenty  or  not, 

I exerted  myself  to  be  getting. 

******* 

Formerly,  I was  afraid  our  means  might  be  exhausted  during  our  old 
age, 

And  I worked  hard  with  you  in  the  struggle  for  existence. 

Now  when  your  means  are  abundant  and  you  are  old, 

You  compare  me  to  poison. 

******* 

Feasting  with  your  new  wife, 

You  think  of  me  as  a provision  only  against  your  poverty.1 

Disapproving  such  a divorce,  Confucius  puts  this  poem  in 
this  Canon  to  serve  as  a warning. 


1 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  pp.  55-8. 


1 50  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

It  is  true  that,  in  the  Confucian  writings,  there  is  no 
statement  about  divorce  issued  to  the  woman.  Though  this 
is  not  wholly  just,  in  a paternal  society  it  must  be  so.  In 
ancient  time,  the  Disorderly  Stage,  if  woman  should  be  al- 
lowed to  have  the  right  to  divorce  her  husband,  the  paternal 
family  could  not  be  established,  and  social  life  would  be  dis- 
orderly. This  is  the  reason  a woman  cannot  divorce  her 
husband.  Han  Fei  Tzu,  however,  speaks  of  T‘ai  Kung  as  a 
divorced  husband  of  an  old  woman.  This  shows  that  in 
ancient  times,  even  long  before  Confucius,  a woman  did 
have  the  right  to  divorce  her  husband.  It  might  have  been 
that  a woman  could  divorce  her  husband  if  her  husband 
agreed  to  it,  but  that  there  was  no  legal  ground  for  her 
doing  so.  The  Lazv  Code  of  the  Ts‘ing  Dynasty  says 
that  if  the  husband  and  wife  are  not  harmonious  and  both 
wish  to  be  separated,  they  may  be  allowed  to  do  so.1 
Therefore,  in  the  present  day,  the  woman  is  legally  allowed 
to  divorce  her  husband,  with  his  consent. 

However,  when  we  say  that  the  Confucian  writings  have 
no  statement  about  divorce  issued  to  the  woman,  we  are  sim- 
ply referring  to  the  ordinary  case.  If  in  the  unusual  case, 
a woman  shall  have  the  absolute  right  to  divorce  her 
husband.  The  General  Discussion  in  the  White  Tiger 
Palace  says:  “ If  the  husband  should  either  violate  the  so- 
cial relations,  or  kill  his  parents-in-law,  or  break  down  the 
most  important  laws,  it  would  be  the  greatest  of  disorder. 
In  such  cases,  the  ethical  relation  between  husband  and  wife 
is  cut  off,  and  the  wife  may  divorce  her  husband.”  2 Ac- 
cording to  the  Lazv  Code  of  the  Ts’ing  Dynasty,  whenever 
the  ethical  relation  between  husband  and  wife  is  cut  off, 
they  must  be  separated,  and  are  not  permitted  to  remain  in 
union.  From  this  point,  we  can  see  that  the  Chinese  re- 


1 Ch.  x. 


J Bk.  x. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


151 

gard  the  ethical  relation  as  very  important,  and  that  the 
husband  and  wife  cannot  remain  in  union,  even  though  they 
love  each  other. 

The  Chinese  consider  the  marriage  tie  as  very  strong,  and 
continue  it  through  the  whole  life.  Although  their  mar- 
riages are  not  directly  arranged  by  themselves,  husbands 
and  wives  love  each  other  and  do  not  get  divorces.  The 
fundamental  reason  is  that  they  have  a habit  of  bearing 
moral  obligations  for  which  they  sacrifice  their  sentimental 
feelings.  Second,  they  accept  the  philosophical  doctrine  of 
fate,  and  content  themselves  on  the  ground  that  their  mar- 
riage had  been  predestined.  Third,  their  social  condition 
does  not  allow  either  husband  or  wife  to  have  any  sweet- 
heart beside  the  other.  These  are  the  most  important  rea- 
sons why  the  Chinese  have  very  few,  practically  no,  divorces. 
And  we  must  understand  that  the  Chinese  are  not  concerned 
with  formal  law  at  all,  when  .they  either  marry  or  divorce, 
but  merely  with  the  rites  prescribed  by  religion  and  cus- 
tom. Yet  they  keep  their  marriages  sacred,  and  make  them 
even  stronger  than  if  they  were  fixed  by  law.  At  the  pres- 
ent day,  there  is  practically  no  divorce,  unless  in  the  case  of 
adultery ; and  such  cases  are  rare. 

(c)  Economic  Position  of  W 0 man 

Since  we  have  discussed  above  the  social  position  of  wo- 
man, we  should  now  discuss  her  economic  position,  in 
which  we  are  especially  interested.  Inside  the  family, 
the  housewife  is  the  chief  worker.  First  of  all,  she  must 
care  for  the  children.  The  “ Great  Learning  ” says : “ There 
never  has  been  a girl  who  learned  to  nourish  a child,  that 
she  might  afterwards  marry.”  1 This  implies  that  every 
married  woman  must  know  how  to  nourish  a child  without 
special  training,  and  that  it  is  a duty  of  woman.  The 


Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  370. 


I52  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

“ Pattern  of  the  Family  ” says:  “ The  son  of  the  great  offi- 
cial has  a nurse.  The  wife  of  the  student  nourishes  her 
child  herself.”  1 Therefore,  the  wives  of  students  and  com- 
mon people  must  nourish  their  own  children,  although  the 
empress,  the  princess,  and  the  noble  ladies  may  hire  nurses. 
This  is  the  chief  work  of  woman. 

Second,  she  must  take  charge  of  the  food.  The  Canon 
of  Poetry  says : “ It  will  be  hers  neither  to  do  wrong  nor 
to  do  good.  Only  about  the  spirits  and  the  food  will  she 
have  to  discuss.”  2 The  Canon  of  Changes  says : “ She  does 
nothing  of  her  own  initiative,  but  stays  at  home  for  the 
preparation  of  food.”  3 These  two  passages  are  sufficient 
to  indicate  the  principal  work  of  the  housewife. 

Third,  she  must  take  charge  of  the  clothes.  According 
to  the  “ Pattern  of  the  Family,”  when  a girl  reaches  the  age 
of  ten,  she  ceases  to  go  out  from  the  home.  Her  governess 
teaches  her  to  handle  the  hepipen  fibres,  to  deal  with  the 
cocoons,  to  weave  silks  and  form  fillets,  and  to  learn  all 
woman's  work  in  order  to  furnish  garments.4 

In  ancient  times,  all,  from  the  empress  to  the  wives  of 
the  common  people,  had  to  make  clothes  for  their  husbands. 
The  Record  of  Rites  tells  us  that  the  emperor  must  be  per- 
sonally a farmer,  and  the  empress  a weaver.  This  has  three 
significances:  First,  it  indicates  religious  piety,  because  the 
emperor  and  empress  personally  furnish  the  materials  for 
the  food  and  clothes  used  for  sacrifices.  Second,  it  indi- 
cates political  democracy,  because  it  makes  the  emperor  and 
empress  not  entirely  different  from  the  farmer  and  weaver. 
Third,  it  indicates  economic  productivity,  because  it  makes 
even  the  emperor  and  empress  produce  material  things. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  p.  476. 

* Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  307. 

3 Yi  King,  p.  137. 

* Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  p.  479. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


1 53 

There  is  a silk-worm’s  house.  From  the  washing  of  the 
seeds  in  the  stream,  gathering  of  the  leaves  from  the  mul- 
berry trees,  feeding  the  worms,  to  the  presenting  of  the 
cocoons  to  the  empress,  all  the  processes  of  work  are  done 
by  the  honorable  ladies.  Then  the  empress  rinses  some  of 
them  thrice  in  a vessel,  begins  to  unwind  them,  and  distri- 
butes them  to  the  honorable  ladies  to  complete  the  unwind- 
ing. After  the  dyeing  and  embroidering  have  been  finished, 
garments  are  made  for  use  in  sacrifices.1  This  custom 
still  exists  to-day.  In  the  Canon  of  Poetry,  there  is  a poem 
directed  against  the  Emperor  Yu  and  his  wife.  In  criticism 
of  his  wife,  it  says  that  she  leaves  her  silkworms  and  weav- 
ing.2 Since  even  an  empress  must  take  up  the  work  of 
silkworm  culture  and  weaving,  it  goes  without  saying  that 
the  women  in  general  must  take  charge  of  the  clothes. 

In  order  to  show  that  woman  is  in  an  honorable  position 
which  is  equal  to  that  of  her  husband,  here  is  a good  ex- 
ample. Though  we  have  seen  that  the  preparation  of  food 
is  the  principal  work  of  woman,  still  this  does  not  mean  that 
she  is  a slave  in  the  kitchen.  One  chief  function  of  food  is 
for  religious  sacrifices,  and  in  such  sacrifices  the  wife  par- 
ticipates in  the  ceremonies  with  her  husband.  Because  they 
are  both  equal  in  the  family,  they  both  sacrifice  to  the 
ancestor.  When  a girl  of  ten,  she  watches  the  sacrifices, 
supplies  the  liquors  and  sauces,  fills  the  various  stands  and 
dishes  with  pickles  and  brine,  and  assists  in  setting  forth  the 
appurtenances  for  the  ceremonies.3  Such  an  education  is 
simply  for  the  duty  of  a housewife.  But,  if  a housewife 
is  required  to  take  part  with  her  husband  in  sacrifice  to  his 
ancestor,  how  honorable  is  her  position ! 

1 IA  Ki,  bk.  xxi,  pp.  223-4. 

1 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  562. 

8 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  p.  479. 


I 54  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

There  is  a Confucian  principle  giving  respect  to  woman. 
This  principle  is  clearly  indicated,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the 
ceremony  of  the  personal  receiving  of  the  bride.  But  there 
is  another  example  which  illustrates  the  respect  for  woman 
in  regard  to  her  economic  position.  According  to  Con- 
fucianism, although  a woman  should  work  for  the  family, 
she  should  be  treated  nicely,  and  should  not  be  employed 
only  for  financial  gain.  Therefore,  when  a woman  is 
married,  she  need  not  take  up  any  household  work  until 
the  end  of  three  months.  If  her  husband  causes  her  to 
work  within  this  period,  it  seems  cruel  to  Confucius.  In 
the  Canon  of  Poetry,  there  is  a poem  directed  against  a 
man  of  the  official  family,  who  makes  his  wife  sew  within 
the  period  of  three  months.  It  reads  as  follows  : 

Shoes  thinly  woven  of  the  dolichos  fibre 
May  be  used  to  walk  on  the  hoarfrost. 

The  delicate  fingers  of  a bride 
May  be  used  in  making  clothes. 

Putting  the  waistband  to  his  lower  garment  and  the  collar  to  his  upper, 
The  beautiful  woman  fixes  them. 

The  beautiful  woman  moved  gracefully, 

And  politely  stood  aside  to  the  left  [when  she  just  came  into  the 
family]  ; 

From  her  girdle  hung  her  ivory  comb-pin. 

But  it  is  the  narrow-mindedness  [of  her  husband], 

Which  makes  the  subject  for  satire.1 

This  poem  describes  the  woman  beautiful  in  every  way,  as 
a contrast  to  the  work  of  making  clothes,  and  it  censures 
expressly  the  mean  character  of  her  husband.  It  serves 
as  an  example  to  indicate  that  Confucius  regards  the  house- 
wife as  in  a respected  position. 

Since  the  wife  is  equal  to  her  husband,  and  husband  and 
wife  are  considered  to  be  one  body,  she  shares  all  the  various 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  pp.  163-4. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


155 


conditions  with  her  husband.  Even  though  she  may  have 
no  title  of  her  own,  she  holds  the  title  of  her  husband.  And, 
.in  all  social  positions,  she  takes  her  seat  according  to  the 
rank  of  her  husband.1 

Regarding  the  ownership  of  property,  the  ownership  of 
woman  is  included  in  the  name  of  her  husband.  If  her 
husband  is  dead  and  she  has  no  son,  she  may  succeed  to 
the  property  of  her  husband,  or  may  sell  it  for  her  support, 
if  she  is  poor.  If  she  marries  a second  husband,  the  prop- 
erty of  her  former  husband  and  her  dower  should  belong 
to  the  family  of  her  former  husband,  and  she  cannot  take 
them  away.  These  are  stated  in  the  Law  Code  of  the 
Ts'irig  Dynasty.-  But,  according  to  the  recent  commercial 
law  (2454  A.  K.  or  1903  A.  D.),  a wife,  or  a daughter 
above  the  age  of  sixteen,  may  be  a merchant  and  may  use 
her  own  name  to  own  the  business.  A wife  or  a daughter, 
however,  must  register  as  a merchant  either  directly  or  in- 
directly in  the  Department  of  Commerce  in  Peking  (now 
the  Department  of  Agriculture,  Industry  and  Commerce)  ; 
and  a wife  must  also  get  the  written  consent  of  her  husband, 
while  he  still  cannot  relieve  himself  from  liability. 

2.  Relation  of  Father  and  Son 

(a)  The  Love  for  the  Same  Kind 

The  relation  between  father  and  son  is  the  strongest  tie 
of  Chinese  society,  and  it  is  the  basis  of  Confucius’  philo- 
sophy and  religion.  This  relation  is  fixed  by  birth,  so  that 
the  love  between  father  and  son  is  quite  natural,  without 
any  other  consideration.  But  there  is  one  thing  which 
causes  such  a love  and  which  is  independent  of  the  blood 
relationship: — namely,  “ the  love  for  the  same  kind.”  The 
Record  of  Rites  says : “All  living  creatures  between  heaven 


Li  Ki,  bk.  ix,  p.  44T. 


5 Ch.  viii. 


1 56  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

and  earth,  being  endowed  with  blood  and  breath,  have  a 
certain  amount  of  knowledge.  Possessing  that  amount  of 
knowledge,  there  is  not  one  of  them  but  knows  to  love  its 
own  kind.”  1 The  love  for  kind  is  a feeling  common  to  all 
creatures,2  and  man  especially  develops  such  a feeling  to  a 
great  extent.  This  is  the  foundation  upon  which  human 
society  is  built.  Of  course,  when  parents  give  birth  to  a 
son,  they  love  him.  But  why  do  they  do  so?  It  is  not 
merely  because  he  is  their  product,  but  also  because  he  is  of 
the  same  kind  with  them.  Among  different  sons,  the 
father  will  love  the  one  most  who  is  most  similar  to  him- 
self, and  that  one  who  is  least  similar  he  will  love  least. 
Indeed,  the  degree  of  his  love  given  to  his  sons  is  according 
to  the  degree  of  similarity  which  they  show  to  him.  In  the 
case  of  a step-son,  although  he  is  not  the  child  of  the  father, 
the  father  will  love  him,  if  he  is  similar  to  him.  In  fact, 
the  love  for  the  same  kind  is  the  basis  of  the  relation  be- 
tween father  and  son.  And  the  one  who  can  extend  such  a 
feeling  and  love  all  of  mankind,  is  called  a man  of  great 
filial  piety.  The  Canon  of  Poetry  says : “ The  love  of  a 
filial  son  can  never  be  exhausted;  it  is  given  to  your  same 
kind  for  ever.”  3 


(b)  Doctrine  of  Filial  Piety 

Taking  such  a natural  love  as  the  basis,  Confucius  es- 
tablishes the  doctrine  of  filial  piety,  a doctrine  that  has  much 
to  do  with  economic  life.  In  the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety,  he 
thus  sums  up  the  duties  of  a son : 

The  service  which  a filial  son  renders  his  parents  is  as  follows: 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxxv,  p.  392. 

2 Confucius’  conception  is  very  closely  kin  to  Professor  Giddings’ con- 
ception of  “ the  consciousness  of  kind.” 

3 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  4 77. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


157 


In  his  general  conduct  to  them,  he  manifests  the  utmost  rev- 
erence; in  his  nourishing  of  them,  his  endeavor  is  to  give 
them  the  utmost  pleasure ; when  they  are  ill,  he  feels  the 
greatest  anxiety ; in  mourning  for  them  dead,  he  exhibits  every 
demonstration  of  grief ; in  sacrificing  to  them,  he  dispiays  the 
utmost  solemnity.  When  a son  is  complete  in  these  five  things, 
he  may  be  pronounced  able  to  serve  his  parents.1 

In  the  Canon  of  Filial  Piety,  there  are  five  chapters  de- 
scribing respectively  the  different  duties  among  the  five 
classes, — namely,  the  emperor,  the  princes,  the  great  offi- 
cials, the  students,  and  the  common  people.  It  is  the  last 
chapter  of  the  five  that  interests  us  especially.  Although  it 
is  an  ethical  teaching  of  Confucius,  it  is  really  of  great  econo- 
mic significance.  He  says : “ They  follow  the  course  of 
heaven  in  the  revolving  seasons,  they  distinguish  the  ad- 
vantages afforded  by  different  soils,  they  are  careful  of  their 
conduct,  and  they  are  economical  in  their  expenditure,  in 
order  to  support  their  parents : this  is  the  filial  piety  of  the 
common  people.”  2 It  is  very  interesting  to  see  that  Con- 
fucius identifies  the  filial  piety  of  the  common  people  with 
economic  efficiency.  The  first  two  phrases  refer  to  pro- 
duction, and  the  last  two  to  consumption.  Although  the 
third  phrase  is  mixed  with  an  ethical  element,  it  is  a pro- 
vision for  the  control  of  personal  expenditure,  because  to  be 
careful  for  the  conduct  means  a moral  control  of  material 
wants.  Therefore,  if  a man  among  the  common  people  is 
diligent  in  production  and  frugal  in  consumption  for  the 
support  of  his  parents,  it  suffices  to  make  him  a filial  son. 
This  is  the  type  for  the  farmer. 

Among  all  the  pupils  of  Confucius.  Ts'eng  Tsu  is  the 
chief  representative  of  filial  piety.  He  says:  “There  are 

1 Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  vol.  iii,  p.  480. 

1 Ibid.,  pp.  471-2. 


!^8  THE  economic  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

three  degrees  of  filial  piety.  The  highest  is  to  honor  our 
parents ; the  second  is  not  to  disgrace  them ; and  the  lowest 
is  to  be  able  to  support  them.”  Again  he  says:  “ To  pre- 
pare the  fragrant  flesh  and  grain  which  he  has  cooked, 
tasting  and  then  presenting  them  before  his  parents,  is  not 
filial  piety,  it  is  only  nourishing  them.”  Yet  he  says  that 
the  fundamental  lesson  for  all  is  filial  piety,  and  the  prac- 
tice of  it  is  seen  in  the  support  of  parents.1  Therefore,  al- 
though the  support  of  parents  is  the  lowest  type  of  filial 
piety,  it  is  a necessary  step.  There  may  be  some  who  can- 
not be  called  filial  sons,  because  they  can  only  support  their 
parents,  but  there  never  has  been  anyone  who  could  be  called 
a filial  son  without  fulfilling  the  duty  of  supporting  his  par- 
ents. Based  on  such  ethical  and  social  teachings,  the  chief 
economic  burden  of  the  Chinese  is  the  support  of  parents. 

Since  all  these  teachings  are  in  the  positive  form,  let  us 
now  consider  the  support  of  parents  on  the  negative  side. 
When  Mencius  enumerates  the  five  things  which  are  pro- 
nounced in  common  usage  to  be  unfilial,  the  first  four  out 
of  the  five  are  economic.  The  first  is  laziness  in  the  use  of 
one’s  four  limbs,  without  attending  to  the  support  of  one’s 
parents.  The  second  is  gambling  and  chess-playing,  and 
being  fond  of  wine,  without  attending  to  the  support  of 
one’s  parents.  The  third  is  being  fond  of  commodities  and 
money,  and  selfishly  attached  to  wife  and  children,  without 
attending  to  the  support  of  one’s  parents.  The  fourth  is 
following  the  desires  of  one’s  ears  and  eyes,  so  as  to  bring 
one’s  parents  to  disgrace.  The  fifth  is  being  fond  of 
bravery,  fighting  and  quarreling,  so  as  to  endanger  one’s 
parents.  Among  the  first  four  things  which  are  economic, 
the  first  refers  to  production,  the  second  and  the  fourth, 
to  consumption;  and  the  third,  to  distribution.  To  sum  them 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxi,  pp.  226-7. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


:59 


up  in  a word,  what  the  Chinese  call  unfilial  is  failure  to 
attend  to  the  support  of  parents  on  account  of  any  one  of 
these  five  causes. 

The  third  of  the  five  unfilial  things  has  a great  signifi- 
cance. In  China,  the  son  must  support  his  parents  first; 
and  his  wife  and  children  are  regarded  as  secondary,  be- 
cause the  parents  are  much  more  to  be  respected.  It  is 
true  that  the  parents  never  want  to  sacrifice  their  daughter- 
in-law  or  grandson  for  their  own  sake,  and  that  they  usually 
do  sacrifice  themselves  for  them.  But  the  Chinese  think 
they  ought  to  care  for  parents  first.  In  the  first  place,  they 
cannot  work  very  well ; and  even  though  they  can  work, 
they  ought  to  be  given  a rest,  because  they  have  worked  for 
a long  time.  In  the  second  place,  they  cannot  live  very 
long,  so  that  a son  ought  to  discharge  his  filial  duty  as 
soon  as  possible,  otherwise  in  no  way  can  he  pay  off  his 
moral  debt. 

The  most  conspicuous  fact  which  marks  the  difference 
between  China  and  the  West  is  that  the  Chinese  regard 
their  parents  above  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  people 
of  the  West  regard  their  wives  above  anything  else.  In  a 
word,  China  emphasizes  the  relation  between  father  and  son, 
while  the  West  emphasizes  that  between  husband  nad  wife. 
This  is  the  fundamental  difference  which  causes  many  other 
differences  in  the  social  and  economic  life.  Such  a differ- 
ence not  only  is  found  in  modern  times,  but  also  existed  in 
ancient  times.  It  is  the  chief  antagonistic  point  between  Con- 
fucianism and  Christianity.  Although  the  fifth  of  the  Ten 
Commandments  say,  “ Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother,”  1 
Genesis  says,  “A  man  shall  leave  his  father  and  his  mother, 
and  shall  cleave  unto  his  wife.”  2 Jesus  3 and  Paul 4 repeat 
the  same  words,  commending  them.  Hence,  it  has  become 


1 Exodus  20 : 12. 

5 Matthew  19:5. 


2 Genesis  2 : 24. 

* Ephesians  5:31. 


160  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  fundamental  basis  of  western  society.  Whenever  the 
son  marries  a wife,  he  leaves  his  parents  and  cleaves  to  her 
only.  As  soon  as  the  relation  between  husband  and  wife 
begins,  the  relation  between  father  and  son  becomes  less 
important. 

As  human  nature  is  everywhere  about  the  same,  the 
Chinese  do  not  love  their  parents  more  than  the  western 
people,  and  the  western  people  do  not  love  their  wives  more 
than  the  Chinese.  Mencius  says : 

The  desire  of  a child  is  towards  his  father  and  mother.  When 
he  becomes  conscious  of  the  attractions  of  beauty,  his  desire 
is  towards  young  and  beautiful  women.  When  he  comes  to 
have  a wife  and  children,  his  desire  is  towards  them.  . . . 
But  the  man  of  great  filial  piety,  to  the  end  of  his  life,  has  his 
desire  towards  his  parents.1 

Therefore,  a man  turns  his  heart  away  from  his  parents 
not  only  when  he  marries,  but  also  when  he  becomes  con- 
scious of  the  attractions  of  beauty.  There  is  no  need  to 
teach  a man  to  leave  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  to  cleave 
unto  his  wife,  because  this  is  his  strongest  passion.  Even 
in  China,  there  is  always  a tendency  this  way.  But,  by  the 
teachings  of  Confucius,  this  natural  passion  is  controlled 
by  the  ethical  doctrine.  Hence,  it  has  become  the  general 
spirit  of  the  Chinese  that  they  should  support  their  parents 
first  and  above  the  support  of  their  wives  and  children. 
This  is  the  fundamental  point,  marking  the  differences  be- 
tween China  and  the  West. 

Accepting  the  teachings  of  Confucius,  the  Chinese  embody 
them  in  their  laws.  In  the  Laze  Code  of  the  Ts‘ing 
Dynasty,  there  is  a provision  that  those  who  purposely  do 
not  give  sufficient  support  to  their  grandparents  or  parents 
shall  be  punished  with  one  hundred  blows  with  the  long 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  ,345- 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


161 


stick.  For  the  infliction  of  this  punishment,  however,  the 
complaint  must  be  lodged  by  the  grandparents  or  parents. 
If  a son,  who  is  poor,  but  who  does  not  work  for  the  mak- 
ing of  a living  and  for  the  support  of  his  parents,  causes 
his  parents  to  resort  to  suicide,  he  shall  be  punished  with  one 
hundred  blows  with  the  long  stick,  and  shall  be  exiled  for 
the  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from  home.1  If  the 
age  of  his  grandparents  or  parents  is  above  eighty,  or  they 
have  severe  sickness,  and  there  is  no  other  son  attending  to 
them,  the  son  or  grandson  shall  not  leave  them  at  home  and 
go  to  take  official  employment  in  another  place.  If  he  does 
so,  he  shall  be  punished  with  eighty  blows  with  the  long 
stick,  and  compelled  to  go  home  for  the  support  of  his 
parents.2  Even  among  criminals,  under  certain  conditions, 
one  may  be  saved  from  capital  punishment  or  from  exile,  for 
the  support  of  his  grandparents  or  parents.3  Therefore, 
the  support  of  parents  is  a positive  institution,  which  is  es- 
tablished not  only  by  the  moral  law,  but  also  by  the  legal  law. 

According  to  the  regulations  of  the  present  day,  when 
a filial  daughter  whose  parents  have  neither  son  nor  grand- 
son, serves  them  till  their  death,  remaining  unmarried  for 
that  purpose,  she  shall  be  honored  as  the  filial  sons;  e.  g.,  an 
arch  shall  be  built  for  her  in  her  locality,  and  her  name  shall 
be  dedicated  in  the  “ Temple  of  Faithfulness,  Righteousness, 
Filiality  and  Fraternity,”  etc.  Therefore,  although  a daugh- 
ter is  not  compelled  to  support  her  parents  by  the  punitive 
law,  she  is  encouraged  to  do  so  by  the  honorary  reward. 

In  the  Principle  of  Population,  the  first  edition,  Malthus 
does  not  approve  the  Chinese  law  which  requires  that  a son 
support  his  aged  and  helpless  parents.  He  says  : “ It  seems 
at  any  rate  highly  improper,  by  positive  institutions,  which 
render  dependent  poverty  so  general,  to  weaken  that  dis- 


1 Ch.  xxx. 


2Ch.  xvii. 


3Ch.  iv. 


1 62  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


grace,  which  for  the  best  and  most  humane  reasons  ought 
to  attach  to  it.”  1 His  argument  is  true.  But  he  looks  only 
at  the  side  of  parents,  and  not  at  the  side  of  children.  Ac- 
cording to  the  view  of  the  Chinese,  they  may  say  that,  while 
the  parents  should  maintain  their  economic  independence, 
the  sons  should  nevertheless  support  their  parents  in  order 
to  return  something  for  their  kindness.  If  the  sons  are  not 
obliged  to  support  their  parents,  although  it  may  strengthen 
the  economic  motive  of  the  parents  and  promote  their  desire 
of  saving,  it  weakens  the  economic  motive  of  the  sons  and 
their  desire  of  working.  For  the  economic  society  as  a 
whole,  it  may  have  no  gain.  It  simply  makes  the  old  and 
weak  people  live  in  a harder  way,  and  the  young  and  strong 
people  in  an  easier  way.  Even  though  it  should  be  of  some 
advantage  to  society,  it  is  unjust  and  unkind. 

Moreover,  according  to  human  nature,  at  least  Chinese 
nature,  the  old  people  are  generally  diligent  and  frugal  to 
acquire  and  to  accumulate  wealth  not  only  for  their  own 
sake,  but  mainly  for  the  sake  of  their  sons,  grandsons,  great- 
grandsons,  great-great-grandsons,  etc.  Therefore,  Con- 
fucius says  that,  when  the  superior  man  is  old,  and  the 
animal  powers  are  decayed,  he  guards  against  covetousness.2 
In  fact,  there  are  very  few  parents  who  like  to  be  depend- 
ent upon  their  sons.  If  they  are  compelled  to  depend  upon 
them,  they  have  a sense  of  disgrace,  because  none  will  feel 
good  if  he  falls  into  dependent  poverty.  The  really  for- 
tunate parents  are  those  who  themselves  are  very  prosper- 
ous and  independent,  while  their  sons  are  also  very  rich  and 
dignified,  and  contribute  their  service  and  honor  to  their 
parents  in  order  to  please  them.  Therefore,  the  public 
has  no  fear  that  the  parents  will  lower  themselves  to  be  a 


1 Ashley’s  Economic  Classics,  p.  33. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  313. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


163 

dependent  class,  and  it  ought  not  to  deprive  them  of  their 
claim  upon  their  sons.  We  are  afraid  only  that  the  sons 
will  not  support  their  parents  when  there  is  need  of  it, 
and  not  that  the  parents  will  not  take  care  of  themselves. 

(c)  Holding  of  Property 

Since  Confucius  attaches  much  importance  to  the  doctrine 
of  filial  piety,  he  gives  the  parents  great  power  over  the 
property  of  the  whole  family.  He  says : “ When  his  par- 
ents are  alive,  a son  should  not  dare  to  consider  his  body 
as  his  own,  nor  to  hold  his  wealth  as  his  private  property. 
....  His  gifts  or  presents  should  not  extend  to  the  car- 
riage and  horse.”  1 The  controllers  of  the  property  of  a 
family  are  not  the  sons,  but  the  parents. 

The  “ Pattern  of  the  Family  ” says: 

A son  and  his  wife  should  have  no  private  commodities,  nor 
animals,  nor  vessels ; they  should  not  presume  to  borrow  from, 
or  give  anything  to,  another  person  privately.  If  her  relatives 
give  the  wife  an  article  of  food  or  dress,  a piece  of  cloth  or 
silk,  a handkerchief  for  her  girdle,  an  iris  or  an  orchid,  she 
should  receive  and  offer  it  to  her  parents-in-law.  If  they  ac- 
cept it,  she  will  be  as  glad  as  if  she  were  receiving  it  afresh. 
If  they  return  it  to  her,  she  should  decline  it;  and  if  they  do 
not  allow  her  to  do  so,  she  will  take  it  as  if  it  were  a second 
gift,  and  lay  it  by  to  wait  till  they  may  want  it.  If  she  wants 
to  give  it  to  some  of  her  relatives,  she  must  ask  leave  to  do  so, 
and  that  being  granted,  she  will  give  it.2 

When  her  father-in-law  is  dead,  her  mother-in-law  re- 
tires from  the  open  headship  of  the  family,  and  hands  her 
duties  to  the  wife  of  her  eldest  son;  but  the  latter,  on  all 
occasions  of  sacrificing  and  receiving  guests,  must  ask  her 

1 Li  Ki , bk.  xxvii.  p.  295. 

1 Li  Ki,  tk.  x,  p.  458. 


164  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


directions  in  everything,  while  the  wives  of  the  other  sons 
must  ask  directions  from  her.1 

In  this  type  of  family,  wealth  is  acquired  by  the  father, 
and  it  is  owned  in  common  by  all  the  members  of  the  family. 
Therefore,  the  father  is  the  head  of  the  family,  and  the 
mother  is  the  head  of  the  household.  Or,  the  wealth  is 
acquired  by  any  one  of  the  brothers,  usually  the  eldest,  but 
he  is  willing  to  give  it  up  to  the  family  as  a whole,  and  re- 
gards his  parents  as  the  heads.  In  Chinese  history,  some 
families  can  hold  their  property  under  the  common  owner- 
ship for  nine  generations.  But  the  management  of  this  is 
very  difficult.  In  the  present  day,  the  tendency  is  towards 
the  limitation  of  family,  basing  it  on  the  husband  and  wife 
only.  But  as  long  as  the  institution  of  family  exists,  the 
Chinese  can  never  separate  their  parents  from  the  family, 
just  as  they  cannot  separate  their  children  from  it. 

Moreover,  the  marriage  of  a son  is  usually  arranged  by 
his  parents,  before  he  has  become  a producer.  Under  such 
circumstances,  he  has  nothing  to  call  his  own,  and  he  and 
his  wife  are  economically  dependent  upon  his  parents.  How 
can  he  be  the  real  head  of  a family?  During  this  period, 
his  mother  takes  charge  of  the  household,  and  his  wife 
works  merely  as  a student  or  an  assistant  to  her.  In  real- 
ity, it  is  much  better  for  his  wife  to  work  under  his  mother, 
because  Chinese  social  life  is  very  complex,  and  a young 
woman  can  never  understand  all  the  affairs  of  her  new 
home.  Of  course  she  may  own  some  private  property,  such 
as  the  dower;  but,  when  she  receives,  or  borrows,  or  gives 
anything  beyond  the  limit  of  the  family,  it  is  polite  for  her 
to  ask  leave  from  her  mother-in-law.  Since  her  mother- 
in-law  must  treat  her  reasonably,  the  asking  for  leave  is 
simply  a formal  ceremony,  otherwise  the  Chinese  could  not 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  pp.  457-8. 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION 


165 

have  held  such  a family  type  for  thousands  of  years.  A few 
years  later,  when  she  has  more  experience,  or  more  children, 
or  when  her  husband  becomes  economically  independent, 
she  may  be  separated  from  her  mother-in-law  and  manage 
a family  of  her  own.  But,  even  after  such  a separation, 
it  is  natural  for  her  to  seek  direction  from  her  mother-in- 
law,  and  to  regard  her  at  least  as  an  honorary  head  of  the 
family.  If  the  new  family  is  less  prosperous  than  the  old 
one,  the  son  and  his  wife  may  still  draw  benefit  from  the 
latter;  if  the  old  family  is  less  prosperous  than  the  new 
one,  the  son  must  support  his  parents.  In  short,  since  the 
son  and  his  wife  owe  a great  debt  to  the  parents  and 
parents-in-law,  they  can  never  sever  the  economic  relation 
between  them.  Even  in  a very  poor  family,  when  the  son 
establishes  himself,  arranges  his  marriage  himself,  and 
maintains  his  family  himself,  he  still  must  support  his 
parents,  and  serve  them  as  the  honorary  heads  of  the  family. 
This  is  the  type  of  Chinese  family  which  still  exists  to-day. 
The  difference  between  this  and  the  type  of  family  organiza- 
tion prevalent  in  the  West  is  obvious,  and  will  help  to  ex- 
plain the  Chinese  emphasis  on  the  duties  of  sons  to  parents, 
already  discussed. 

Basing  them  on  the  Confucian  doctrine,  the  Chinese 
draw  the  following  laws.  According  to  the  Law  Code  of 
the  Ts‘ing  Dynasty.1  if  grandsons  or  sons  whose  paternal 
grandparent  or  parent  is  still  alive,  separate  themselves  from 
their  homes  to  settle  elsewhere,  or  detach  parts  of  the  family 
possessions,  they  shall  be  punished  with  one  hundred  blows 
with  the  long  stick.  For  the  infliction  of  this  punishment, 
however,  it  is  required  that  the  complaint  be  lodged  by  a 
paternal  grandparent  or  parent.  During  the  life  of  their 
paternal  grandparents  or  parents,  no  sons  or  grandsons  shall 


1 Ch.  viii. 


1 66  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


be  allowed  to  divide  the  family  possessions  or  to  dwell  apart. 
But  they  may  split  up  their  possessions  if  their  parents  ap- 
prove thereof,  or  order  them  to  do  so.  If  brothers,  while 
in  mourning  for  one  of  their  parents,  separate  themselves 
from  the  home  to  fix  their  domicile  in  another  locality,  or 
detach  parts  of  the  patrimony,  eighty  blows  with  the  long 
stick  will  be  inflicted  upon  them.  It  is,  however,  required 
that  a complaint  be  first  lodged  by  a superior  or  senior 
from  among  the  relations  who  are  to  be  mourned  for  during 
one  year  or  longer.  Should  such  separation  from  the 
family  or  division  of  the  patrimony  have  taken  place  in 
obedience  to  the  testamentary  dispositions  of  a paternal 
grandparent  or  parent,  it  does  not  fall  under  this  law. 

Within  the  family  which  holds  a common  possession,  if 
a member  of  the  lower  generation  or  younger  age,  without 
asking  the  authority  of  the  higher  generation  or  older  age, 
presumes  to  use  the  money  or  goods  of  the  family  pri- 
vately, he  shall  be  beaten  with  a small  stick  twenty  times, 
when  the  money  or  goods  used  amount  to  ten  taels.  The 
number  of  blows  shall  be  proportionately  increased  for 
every  ten  taels  which  he  shall  use  privately.  But  the  pun- 
ishment is  limited  to  one  hundred  blows.  If  a member  of 
the  higher  generation  or  older  age,  who  has  the  power  to 
divide  up  the  wealth  of  the  family,  does  not  divide  it  up 
proportionately  and  equally,  the  punishment  is  the  same. 
Although  the  junior  must  ask  the  permission  from  the 
senior,  he  has  a right  to  the  common  possessions.  Al- 
though the  senior  controls  the  affairs  of  the  family,  he  has 
no  right  to  divide  up  its  wealth  unequally  among  the  mem- 
bers. In  short,  the  head  of  a family  is  but  a trustee. 

When  there  is  any  title  or  office  which  is  given  to  the 
descendant  of  a man,  it  shall  be  first  received  by  the  eldest 
son  or  grandson  of  his  wife.  But,  when  his  property,  per- 
sonal and  real,  is  divided,  it  shall  be  distributed  equally  ac- 


ECONOMIC  ORGANIZATION  ifry 

cording  to  the  number  of  sons,  without  difference  between 
the  son  of  his  wife  and  that  of  his  concubine.  If  he  has  an 
illegitimate  son,  this  son  may  have  only  half  the  portion  of 
those  sons  who  are  the  children  of  his  wife  or  concubine. 
If  he  has  no  son  but  an  illegitimate  one,  he  shall  adopt  a 
step-son  who  has  the  proper  relation  with  him,  and  the  step- 
son shall  divide  his  property  equally  with  the  illegitimate 
son.  If  he  cannot  adopt  a proper  step-son,  the  illegitimate 
son  is  allowed  to  inherit  the  whole  portion  of  his  property. 

When  a family  is  extinguished  without  any  proper  step- 
son, the  daughter  of  the  family  may  receive  its  property. 
If  it  has  no  daughter,  the  magistrate  shall  report  it  to  the 
superior,  and  it  may  be  taken  by  the  public. 

These  are  the  laws  of  the  present  dynasty  concerning  the 
holding  of  property.  In  conclusion,  the  institution  of 
family  has  been  most  highly  developed  in  China,  because 
of  the  doctrine  of  filial  piety  of  Confucius.  The  rest  of 
the  world  has  no  clan  system  so  complete  and  highly  de- 
veloped as  that  of  China.  A clan  which  is  composed  of 
many  families  under  a common  remote  ancestor,  may  oc- 
cupy a whole  town  for  over  a thousand  years,  may  number 
over  one  hundred  thousand  souls,  and  may  hold  its  prop- 
erty as  long  as  the  clan  exists.  It  has  its  own  history,  and 
it  has  its  own  law,  not  contrary  to  the  national  law,  however. 
It  is  a very  strong  local  government,  taking  charge  of  birth 
and  death,  marriage,  religion,  education,  charity,  election, 
arbitration,  punishment,  taxation,  police,  public  work,  etc. 
It  is  a Confucian  system  of  the  Disorderly  Stage,  but  it  has 
developed  into  a refined  form.  But  we  must  understand 
that  a family  is  an  economic  organization,  while  a clan  is 
only  a social  organization,  although  holding  common  prop- 
erty for  unlimited  generations. 


CHAPTER  XI 


Economic  Policies  and  the  Divisions  of  Economics 

I.  GOVERNMENT  REGULATION 

Since  economic  life  is  very  important  to  man,  everyone 
naturally  considers  first  what  he  is  to  get,  rather  than  what 
he  ought  to  do.  Each  man  is  concerned  primarily  about 
his  own  interests.  It  is  because  of  this  fact  that  competi- 
tion arises.  According  to  the  theory  of  the  laissez-faire 
economists,  if  competition  is  absolutely  free,  everyone  will 
get  just  what  he  ought  to  get,  because  everyone  is  careful 
for  his  own  interest.  Hence  these  economists  advocate  com- 
petition as  necessary  to  economic  life,  and  believe  govern- 
ment interference  should  be  reduced  to  a minimum.  The 
Confucian  doctrine  is  just  the  opposite;  government  inter- 
ference is  necessary  for  economic  life,  and  competition 
should  be  reduced  to  the  minimum.  In  order  to  explain 
this  doctrine,  we  shall  indicate  first  why  competition  should 
not  be  absolutely  free,  even  if  it  could  be  so. 

First,  let  us  consider  the  principle  of  natural  selection. 
In  the  Chinese  language,  the  word  tien  has  three  meanings : 
the  first  is  God;  the  second,  Heaven;  and  the  third,  nature. 
We  now  use  this  word  only  in  the  second  and  third  senses. 
Confucius  is  an  evolutionist.  He  says,  “ In  its  production 
of  things,  Heaven  is  sure  to  give  addition  to  them,  accord- 
ing to  their  own  qualities.  Hence,  when  the  things  or  men 
are  flourishing,  Heaven  nourishes  them;  when  they  are 
ready  to  fall,  it  overthrows  them.”  1 This  statement  sug- 
gests the  principle  of  natural  selection. 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  399. 


168 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


169 


Mencius,  also,  says : 

When  the  good  principle  prevails  over  the  world,  men  of  little 
virtue  are  submissive  to  those  of  great,  and  those  of  little 
worth  to  those  of  great.  When  the  good  principle  does  not 
prevail  over  the  world,  men  of  small  power  are  submissive  to 
those  of  great,  and  the  weak  to  the  strong.  Both  these  cases 
are  the  rule  of  Heaven.  They  who  accord  with  Heaven  are 
preserved,  and  they  who  rebel  against  Heaven  perish.1 

Therefore,  Heaven  does  not  help  anyone  in  competition; 
it  simply  stands  on  the  side  of  the  few  who  can  help  them- 
selves, and  eliminates  the  many  who  cannot  help  themselves. 

What  Heaven  is,  is  a problem  transcending  the  question 
of  good  or  evil,  because  Heaven  is  neither  good  nor  evil. 
The  “Appendix  ” says,  “ The  cosmic  processes  give  their 
stimulus  to  all  things,  but  have  not  the  same  anxiety 
as  the  sage.” 2 On  the  natural  side.  Heaven  represents 
cosmic  processes ; while  on  the  social  side,  the  sage  repre- 
sents ethical  processes.  These  two  can  never  be  harmon- 
ized, because  the  one  has  purpose,  and  the  other  has  not. 
In  a religious  sense,  we  may  say  that  God  helps  the  vir- 
tuous; but  in  reality,  we  are  bound  to  admit  that  God  does 
not  help  anyone  but  the  strongest.  If  we  should  follow 
closely  the  laissez-faire  policy,  and  should  let  competition 
be  absolutely  free,  the  world  would  be  left  to  the  few  strong- 
est only.  Although  we  cannot  do  very  much  against  nature, 
how  can  we  bear  to  see  the  sufferings  of  the  weak,  who  con- 
stitute the  greatest  part  of  mankind?  Therefore,  no  great 
religious  teachers,  nor  great  moralists,  nor  great  states- 
men, let  nature  alone  without  some  sort  of  regulation. 
Since  natural  selection  is  good,  not  for  the  weak,  but  for 
the  strong  only,  artificial  adjustment  for  society  as  a whole 
is  necessary.  The  Canan  of  Changes  says : “ The  sage  sov- 


1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  296. 


! Yi  King,  p.  356. 


I jo  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES'  OF  CONFUCIUS 

ereign  regulates  the  natural  course  of  heaven  and  earth,  and 
assists  the  application  of  the  adaptations  furnished  by  them. 
— in  order  to  help  the  people.”  1 

Second,  let  us  consider  the  nature  of  man.  The  strong 
are  never  satisfied  unless  they  take  all  from  the  weak.  Ho 
Hsiu  says : “ When  the  rich  compete  with  the  poor,  even 
though  the  law  were  made  by  Kao  Yao,  [the  judge  of 
Emperor  Shun],  no  way  can  prevent  the  strong  from  press- 
ing upon  the  weak.”  When  anyone  has  a little  power  over 
others,  he  usually  employs  that  power  without  any  hesita- 
tion to  sacrifice  the  interest  of  others  for  his  own  sake,  if 
it  be  allowed.  Everyone  is  looking  after  his  own  interest 
indeed ; but  some  can  protect  themselves,  and  prosper,  and 
some  cannot,  although  they  may  know  the  need  of  it  per- 
fectly. Therefore,  human  nature  being  as  it  is,  competition 
should  not  be  unlimited.  For,  although  the  minority  may 
profit  by  absolute  freedom  of  competition,  the  majority  have 
no  free  hand  to  take  part  in  competition  with  the  minority, 
and  must  be  overcome  by  them.  Hence,  self-interest  can- 
not be  the  regulator  of  economic  life,  and  government 
regulation  is  necessary. 

Confucius  does  not  abolish  competition,  but  proposes  in- 
stead many  governmental  regulations  to  control  consump- 
tion, production  and  distribution.  We  shall  mention  them 
below  under  these  different  headings.  What  we  shall  dis- 
cuss here  is  the  general  policy  of  Confucius.  On  this  point, 
it  is  best  to  refer  to  the  “ Great  Model.”  According  to  the 
“ Great  Model.”  the  final  end  of  a government  is  to  enable 
the  people  to  enjoy  the  five  blessings  and  to  escape  the  six 
calamities.  The  five  blessings  are:  (i)  abundance  of 
wealth.  (2)  long  life,  (3)  good  health,  (4)  love  of  virtue, 
(5)  good  looks.  Contrasted  with  these  are  the  six  cala- 
mities: (1)  premature  death.  (2)  sickness.  (3)  sorrow,  (4) 


1 Vi  King,  p.  281. 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


171 

poverty,  (5)  ugliness,  (6)  weakness.  It  is  to  be  noticed 
that,  among  these  eleven  things  which  sum  up  Confucius’ 
conception  of  human  happiness,  only  three,  love  of  virtue, 
sorrow,  and  weakness,  pertain  to  man’s  moral  and  mental 
condition,  while  all  the  others  refer  to  physical  and  material 
enjoyment. 

Having  stated  what  is  the  final  end  of  government,  let 
us  now  see  what  are  the  duties  of  a sovereign.  The  central 
point  of  the  “ Great  Model  ” is  the  standard  of  royal  per- 
fection : “ The  sovereign  must  establish  a perfect  standard 
first.  Then  he  concentrates  in  his  own  hand  the  sources 
of  the  five  blessings,  in  order  to  diffuse  and  to  confer  them 
on  all  the  people.”  In  fact,  his  most  important  duties  are 
only  two,  namely,  distribution  of  wealth  and  selection  of 
men.  It  admonishes  him  specially  by  saying,  “ Do  not  in- 
sult the  widowers  and  widows;  do  not  fear  the  high  and 
honorable.”  In  short,  the  sovereign  should  establish  uni- 
versal and  equal  laws  in  order  to  help  the  weak  and  to  curb 
the  strong.  Then  it  points  out : “ Even  among  all  the 
right  men,  they  have  begun  to  be  good  only  after  they  had 
been  enriched.”  Therefore,  the  distribution  of  wealth 
should  be  very  just;  and  the  condition  of  the  whole  society 
should  be  as  follows  : 

Without  deflection,  without  unevenness, 

Pursue  the  royal  righteousness; 

Without  any  selfish  likings. 

Pursue  the  royal  way ; 

Without  any  selfish  dislikings. 

Pursue  the  royal  path. 

Without  deflection,  without  partiality, 

The  royal  way  is  broad  and  long; 

Without  partiality,  without  deflection. 

The  royal  way  is  level  and  easy; 

Without  perversity,  witnout  onesidedness, 

The  royal  way  is  right  and  straight. 

All  concentrates  to  the  perfect  standard ; 

All  comes  to  the  perfect  standard. 


172 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


This  form  of  government  is  the  ideal  of  Confucius.  The 
emperor  is  the  parent  of  the  people.1 

Such  a government  regulates  not  only  the  economic  life 
of  the  people,  but  also  many  other  things.  Yet  their  econo- 
mic life  is  the  most  important  and  the  chief  source  of  all  the 
five  blessings.  The  reason  why  the  “ Great  Model  ” puts 
wealth  first  among  the  five  blessings  is  told  by  the  Park  of 
Narratives.  It  says  that  wealth  is  the  cause  that  makes  the 
state  prosperous,  men  and  women  beautiful,  morality  pre- 
vailing, and  the  mind  satisfied.2  Therefore,  when  the  sov- 
ereign concentrates  in  his  own  hand  the  sources  of  the  five 
blessings  in  order  to  diffuse  and  to  confer  them  on  all  the 
people,  he  controls  all  the  means  of  production,  and  dis- 
tributes equally  the  benefits  of  them  to  the  people.  This  re- 
sembles the  principle  of  state  socialism.  The  only  differ- 
ence is  that,  in  state  socialism,  there  is  no  personal  sover- 
eign, while  in  Confucius’  mind,  there  is  an  unselfish,  wise, 
just,  and  benevolent  sovereign  of  perfect  character.  Since 
wealth  is  the  first  thing  among  the  five  blessings,  and  the 
fountain  of  the  other  four  blessings,  the  government  must 
control  the  economic  life  of  the  people  above  anything  else. 

The  Great  Commentary  of  the  Canon  of  History  says : 

The  mothers  can  give  life  to  the  people  and  can  feed  them; 
the  fathers  can  instruct  and  can  teach  them ; but  the  sage  king 
includes  the  two  functions  of  father  and  mother  together  with 
all  the  details.  . . . He  makes  the  city  walls  for  their  settle- 
ment; builds  the  houses  for  their  dwelling;  establishes  the 
different  schools  for  their  education ; and  divides  the  lands 
and  fixes  the  number  of  acres  for  their  nourishment.  . . . 
The  emperor  is  the  parent  of  the  people,  to  whom  the  people 
of  the  world  will  go. 

From  this  statement,  we  can  see  that  the  emperor  takes 
1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  pp.  328-333,  343.  2Bk.  iii. 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


1 73 

charge  of  the  economic  life  of  the  people  even  more  than 
do  their  parents. 

Concerning  government  interference  with  the  economic 
life  of  the  people,  the  Canon  of  History  gives  the  words 
of  the  Emperor  Yao  as  follows : “ I wish  to  help  the  people 
on  the  left  and  the  right.”  1 K‘ung  Yin-ta  thus  explains 
this:  “To  establish  a sovereign  is  for  the  shepherding  of 
the  people.  Therefore,  when  the  people  are  working  for 
the  production  of  wealth,  the  sovereign  should  assist  and 
help  them.”  Such  a conception  is  general  among  the 
Confucians. 

To  describe  the  evils  which  spring  from  the  absence  of 
regulations,  Pan  Ku  gives  an  example.  His  statement  re- 
fers to  the  age  of  Spring  and  Autumn  and  to  that  of  War- 
ring States,  but  it  is  also  a picture  of  the  capitalistic  stage 
of  the  present  day.  He  says : 

Under  the  influence  of  luxury  and  extravagance,  the  students 
and  the  common  people  all  disregarded  the  regulations  and 
neglected  the  primary  occupation.  The  number  of  farmers 
decreased,  and  that  of  merchants  increased.  Grain  was  in- 
sufficient, but  luxurious  goods  were  plenty.  After  the  age  of 
Duke  Huan  of  Ch‘i  and  Duke  Wen  of  Tsin,  moral  character 
was  greatly  corrupted,  and  social  order  was  confused.  Each 
state  had  a different  political  system,  and  each  family  had  dif- 
ferent customs.  The  physical  desires  were  uncontrolled,  and 
extravagant  consumption  and  social  usurpation  had  no  end. 
Therefore,  the  merchant  transported  goods  which  were  diffi- 
cult to  obtain ; the  artisans  produced  articles  which  had  no 
practical  use ; and  the  student  practised  ways  which  were  con- 
trary to  orthodoxy ; all  of  them  pursued  the  temporary  fashion 
for  the  getting  of  money.  The  hypocritical  people  turned 
away  from  truth  in  order  to  make  fame,  and  the  guilty  men 
ran  risks  in  order  to  secure  profit.  While  those  who  took  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  i,  p.  79. 


1 7 4 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

states  by  the  deed  of  usurpation  or  regicide  became  kings  or 
dukes,  the  men  who  founded  their  rich  families  by  robbery, 
became  heroes.  Morality  could  not  control  the  gentlemen, 
and  punishment  could  not  make  the  common  people  afraid. 
Among  the  rich,  the  wood  and  earth  wore  embroidery,  and  the 
dog  and  horse  had  a superabundance  of  meat  and  grain.  But, 
among  the  poor,  even  the  coarsest  clothes  could  not  be  com- 
pleted ; beans  made  their  food,  and  water  was  their  drink. 
Although  they  were  all  in  the  same  rank,  of  common  people, 
the  rich,  by  the  power  of  wealth,  raised  themselves  to  kings, 
while  the  others,  although  their  actual  condition  was  slavery 
and  imprisonment,  had  no  angry  appearance.  Therefore,  those 
who  were  deceitful  and  criminal  were  comfortable  and  proud 
in  the  world,  but  those  who  held  principles  and  followed 
reason  could  not  escape  hunger  and  cold.  Such  an  influence 
came  from  the  government,  because  there  was  no  regulation 
to  control  the  economic  life.1 

This  statement  represents  the  general  theory  of  the  Con- 
fucians.  They  always  have  the  socialistic  idea  in  mind. 
The  best  thing  is  the  equal  distribution  of  wealth,  while 
the  worst  thing  is  the  division  of  people  into  the  rich  and 
the  poor.  Such  a theory  is  not  communism,  hut  rather 
state  socialism. 

In  practice,  however,  the  Chinese  government  very  sel- 
dom takes  up  a positive  policy  of  interference  with  the 
economic  life  of  the  people.  According  to  history,  when- 
ever the  government  adopted  any  minute  measure,  it  failed, 
with  few  exceptions.  The  territory  of  the  empire  is  large, 
the  term  of  the  magistrate  is  short,  and  the  people  by  na- 
ture do  not  like  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  govern- 
ment. Therefore,  since  the  Ch‘in  dynasty,  the  government 
of  modern  China  has  not  controlled  the  economic  life  of 
the  people  as  did  the  government  of  ancient  China. 


1 History  of  Han,  ch.  xci. 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


175 


On  account  of  the  teachings  of  Confucius,  however,  the 
people  respect  social  order  and  public  interest.  Hence,  their 
competition  is  not  very  sharp,  and  moral  influences  still  con- 
trol their  economic  motives.  Therefore,  although  their 
production  is  not  very  great,  their  distribution  is  compara- 
tively equal.  It  is  not  the  result  of  government  regulation, 
but  the  outcome  of  Confucius’  teachings. 

II.  LAISSEZ-FAIRE  POLICY 

By  the  word  laissez-faire,  we  do  not  mean  to  imply  that 
Confucianism  leaves  every  thing  wholly  unregulated.  It 
simply  indicates  that  the  Confucian  socialism  depends  not 
upon  any  revolutionary  force,  but  upon  the  development  of 
the  natural  course  of  things ; that  human  nature  can  be  de- 
veloped to  perfection,  and  that  there  is  no  need  of  too  many 
artificial  laws  to  restrain  it  and  to  retard  its  progress,  ex- 
cept in  special  cases.  Universal  equality,  universal  oppor- 
tunity, and  economic  freedom  are  the  most  important  doc- 
trines of  Confucius.  The  class  system,  monopoly,  and  the 
tariff,  are  the  objects  of  his  condemnation.  According  to 
the  true  Confucian  theory,  a full  chance  is  given  to  the 
people  for  their  natural  development.  This  is  the  way  to 
realize  Confucian  socialism.  On  the  one  hand,  we  find  that 
Confucianism  is  in  favor  of  social  legislation ; on  the  other, 
we  find  also  that  it  is  in  favor  of  the  laissez-faire  policy. 
They  are  both  advantageous.  Confucianism  is  the  golden 
mean,  and  it  never  goes  to  extremes.  What  is  fitted  to  the 
time  or  condition  is  the  best.  In  a word,  the  Confucian 
social  legislation  is  by  means  of  moral,  rather  than  govern- 
mental laws. 

For  the  exact  statement  of  the  laissez-faire  policy,  we  find 
a general  economic  principle  given  by  Confucius  himself. 
When  Tzu-chang,  his  pupil,  asks  Confucius  about  the  art 
of  government,  he  enumerates  for  him  the  five  excellent 


1 7 6 the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

things.  The  first  of  them  is  “ bounteousness  without  any 
cost.”  Tzu-chang  asks  again:  “What  is  meant  by  boun- 
teousness without  any  cost?”  “ Follow  what  is  the  profit  of 
the  people,  and  profit  them,”  answers  Confucius ; “ is  this 
not  bounteousness  without  any  cost?”1  This  statement  is 
most  general  and  comprehensive,  and  needs  no  particular 
explanation. 

In  the  Many  Dewdrops  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn , 
Tung  Chung-shu  also  expresses  the  principle  of  the  laissez- 
faire  policy  as  follows:  “ If  a sage  governs  a state,  he  must 
follow  the  nature  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  the  personal 
interest  of  the  senses  of  man.”  2 This  is  the  general  policy 
of  leading  the  economic  life  of  the  people  in  the  natural  way. 

Among  all  the  Confucians,  Ssu-ma  Chien  is  the  one  who 
advocates  the  laissez-faire  policy  most  strongly.  His  theory 
is  based  on  human  wants.  He  says : 

Before  the  time  of  Shen  Nung  (2287  B.  K.  or  2838  B.  C.),  I 
do  not  know;  but  since  the  dynasties  of  Yii  and  Hsia,  told 
of  by  the  Canons  of  Poetry  and  History , the  ear  and  eye  want 
to  exhaust  the  fineness  of  sound  and  beauty;  the  mouth  wants 
to  exhaust  the  taste  of  meat ; the  body  wants  to  be  easy  and 
pleasant ; and  the  mind  wants  to  be  proud  of  the  glory  of 
power  and  ability.  These  economic  wants  have  produced  a 
general  habit  and  have  fixed  the  nature  of  the  people  for  a 
very  long  time.  Even  though  we  should  persuade  them  from 
door  after  door  with  a fine  speech,  we  cannot  change  their 
habits.  Therefore,  the  best  policy  is  to  follow  the  economic 
activities  of  man;  the  second  is  to  lead  them  on  profitably; 
the  third  is  to  teach  them ; the  fourth  is  to  regulate  them ; and 
the  worst  is  to  fight  with  them. 

This  is  the  basis  of  his  theory.  In  a word,  economic  wants 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  352-3. 

2 Bk.  xx. 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


1 77 

or  self-interest,  is  the  foundation  upon  which  economic  policy 
is  based. 

Then  he  comes  to  the  process  of  production  and  says : 

Society  depends  upon  the  farmer  for  the  supply  of  food; 
upon  the  miner  for  the  development  of  the  mine;  upon  the 
artisan  for  the  manufacturing  of  goods;  and  upon  the  mer- 
chant for  the  exchange  of  them.  Has  this  natural  process 
anything  to  do  with  either  political  action,  or  religious  teach- 
ing, or  special  order  and  meeting?  It  is  simply  that  everyone 
respectively  employs  his  own  ability,  and  exhausts  his  own 
energy,  in  order  to  get  what  he  wants.  Therefore,  when  the 
commodity  is  cheap,  it  calls  forth  demand,  and  raises  its  price ; 
and  when  it  is  dear,  it  calls  forth  supply,  and  lowers  its  price. 
Everyone  respectively  encourages  his  own  occupation,  and 
enjoys  his  own  work.  Such  a natural  thing  is  like  the  water 
drifting  to  the  low  place  through  day  and  night  without  any 
cessation.  There  is  no  one  to  call  for  it  especially,  but  it 
comes  itself;  there  is  no  one  to  demand  it  especially,  but  the 
people  offer  it  themselves.  Is  it  not  the  result  of  the  natural 
law  and  the  proof  of  the  natural  course? 

The  reason  he  is  in  favor  of  the  laissez-faire  policy  is  be- 
cause he  is  afraid  that  the  natural  process  of  production 
would  be  interrupted  if  it  were  interfered  with  by  the  gov- 
ernment. He  quotes  the  four  following  sentences  from  the 
Book  of  Chou : “ If  there  were  no  farmer,  society  would 
be  in  want  of  food ; no  artisan,  it  would  be  in  want  of  busi- 
ness; no  merchant,  the  three  kinds  of  money  [copper,  silver 
and  gold]  would  disappear;  no  miner,  wealth  would  be  ex- 
hausted and  insufficient.” 

He  emphasizes  the  last  sentence  by  saying  that,  if  wealth 
were  exhausted  and  insufficient,  the  natural  resources  of 
the  mountains  and  marshes  could  not  be  developed.  By 
this  he  points  out  the  importance  of  capital.  Then  he  con- 
cludes this  quotation  with  the  following  remarks : 


178  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

These  four  branches  of  production  are  the  sources  of  the 
economic  life  of  the  people.  When  the  sources  are  great,  the 
people  are  rich ; and  when  the  sources  are  small,  they  are 
poor.  Such  sources  are  the  causes  for  the  enrichment,  both 
of  the  state  and  of  private  families. 

Here  he  means  that  there  should  be  large  production.  If 
production  be  large,  the  sources  of  wealth  are  great,  and  it 
is  good  not  only  for  the  private  families,  but  for  the  public 
as  a whole.  Therefore,  the  natural  process  of  production 
should  be  left  free,  because  it  will  bring  great  sources  of 
wealth  to  society. 

In  regard  to  distribution,  he  says : “ The  reason  why  there 
are  the  rich  and  the  poor  is  not  by  reason  of  taking  some- 
thing from  the  one  and  giving  it  to  the  other.  It  is  sim- 
ply that  the  clever  get  more  than  sufficient,  and  the  stupid 
get  less  than  they  need.”  Thus,  the  division  of  the  people 
into  rich  and  poor  is  merely  the  result  of  free  competition. 

After  describing  the  different  lives  of  rich  men,  and  the 
various  economic  conditions  of  great  cities,  he  continues  as 
follows : 

Among  the  common  people  generally,  if  a man’s  wealth  is 
tenfold,  the  people  respect  him;  if  one  hundredfold,  they  fear 
him;  if  one  thousandfold,  they  serve  him;  and  if  ten  thousand- 
fold, they  enslave  themselves  to  him.  It  is  the  nature  of 
things.  Generally,  if  one  wishes  to  acquire  wealth  from  a 
poor  condition,  to  be  a farmer  is  not  so  good  as  to  be  an  ar- 
tisan ; to  be  an  artisan  is  not  so  good  as  to  be  a merchant ; 
and  to  make  embroidery  is  not  so  good  as  to  speculate  in  the 
market.  This  means  that  the  commercial  and  industrial  occu- 
pations are  the  resorts  of  the  poor. 

According  to  this  statement,  Ssu-ma  Chien  admits  that  there 
is  an  inequality  of  wealth  on  account  of  free  competition,  yet 
he  points  out  that  the  employment  of  the  poor  depends  upon 
the  rich. 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


179 


Through  the  ages  of  Spring  and  Autumn  and  of  Warring 
States  to  the  beginning  of  the  Han  dynasty,  the  economic 
condition  of  China  was  very  dynamic,  and  great  capi- 
talists were  numerous.  Great  capitalists  would  control 
whole  provinces;  smaller  ones,  whole  districts;  and  still 
smaller  ones,  whole  towns.  Their  wealth  was  accumulated 
by  different  occupations,  such  as  agriculture,  animal-breed- 
ing, mining,  manufacture,  trade  and  commerce.  Since 
there  had  been  a great  amount  of  production  and  of  ac- 
cumulation, Ssu-ma  Chien  believed  in  the  laissez-faire 
policy. 

However,  he  does  not  go  to  the  extreme.  In  conclusion, 
he  says : 

When  wealth  is  not  confined  to  any  certain  occupation,  goods 
have  no  permanent  owners.  They  go  to  the  efficient  as  all  the 
trains  come  to  the  central  station,  and  dissolve  from  the  grasp 
of  the  inefficient  as  the  tiles  fall  from  the  roof  to  the  ground. 
A millionaire  is  equal  to  the  prince  of  a feudal  state,  and  a 
billionaire  even  enjoys  the  same  pleasure  as  a king.  Are  they 
not  the  so-called  titleless  lords?  No.1 

At  the  very  end  of  the  whole  chapter,  he  puts  this  negative 
answer  for  the  withdrawal  of  his  former  statements.  In 
fact,  on  the  one  hand,  he  likes  large  production,  so  that  he 
thinks  free  competition  is  worth  while;  on  the  other  hand, 
he  hates  unequal  distribution,  so  that  he  employs  sarcasm 
against  the  rich.  To  enlarge  production  and  to  equalize  dis- 
tribution is  his  final  aim.  Therefore,  in  his  conclusion,  he 
comes  to  the  common  point  of  the  Confucians. 

Taking  Chinese  history  as  a whole,  we  may  say  that  the 
Chinese  have  enjoyed  a great  deal  of  economic  freedom. 

1 Historical  Record,  ch.  cxxix.  It  is  interesting  to  compare  this 
theory  of  Ssu-ma  Chien  with  that  of  Pan  Ku  in  the  last  section,  since 
they  wrote  on  the  same  subject. 


! 80  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


Except  for  a few  laws  regulating  consumption  for  social 
reasons,  the  people  really  do  what  they  please.  The  funda- 
mental cause  is  that,  since  the  Chinese  Empire  is  very  large 
and  its  government  is  monarchical  in  form,  it  is  impossible 
for  the  government  to  interfere  closely  with  the  economic 
life  of  the  people.  Therefore,  although  there  are  some  laws 
respecting  economic  life,  the  people  need  not  come  in  touch 
with  them  at  all.  In  fact,  the  commercial  community  of 
the  Chinese  is  governed  by  custom  rather  than  by  law. 

III.  DIVISIONS  OF  ECONOMICS 

For  the  divisions  of  economics  in  the  Confucian  school, 
there  is  no  passage  more  comprehensive  than  that  in  the 
“Great  Learning.”  It  reads:  “There  is  a great  principle 
for  the  increase  of  wealth : those  who  produce  it  should  be 
many;  and  those  who  consume  it,  few.  Those  who  create 
it  should  be  rapid ; and  those  who  use  it,  slow.  Then  wealth 
will  always  be  sufficient.”  1 According  to  this  great  prin- 
ciple, there  are  only  two  things,  namely,  production  and 
consumption.  While  the  terms  many  and  few  refer  to  the 
number  of  men,  the  terms  rapid  and  slow  refer  to  the  pro- 
cess of  production  and  consumption.  This  is  a most  com- 
prehensive principle  covering  the  whole  field  of  economics. 

This  great  principle  makes  production  and  consumption 
equal  in  rank,  but  recommends  that  production  should  be 
over  and  above  consumption.  This  is  quite  correct.  If 
production  were  just  equal  to  consumption,  there  could  be 
not  only  no  increase  of  production,  but  also  no  increase  of 
consumption.  The  only  means  of  extending  consumption, 
is  to  produce  wealth  over  and  above  the  limit  of  consump- 
tion. This  is  the  way  to  accumulate  capital,  and  to  make 
wealth  always  sufficient.  Such  terms  as  many  and  few, 
rapid  and  slow,  are  only  comjihrative  expressions.  They 


' Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  379. 


ECONOMIC  POLICIES 


181 


mean  that  the  consumers  should  be  fewer  than  the  pro- 
ducers, and  the  using  of  wealth  slower  than  the  creation 
of  it.  This  does  not  mean  that  the  consumers  should  be  so 
few  as  to  check  the  producers,  and  the  using  of  wealth  so 
slow  as  to  block  its  creation.  Should  it  mean  this,  it  would 
be  not  only  inadvisable,  but  also  impossible. 

This  great  principle  holds  true  not  only  in  ancient  times, 
but  also  to-day.  As  the  words  many  and  few  refer  to 
the  number  of  men,  their  meaning  is  self-evident,  and  needs 
no  explanation.  The  word  rapid,  however,  has  great  signi- 
ficance. It  includes  all  the  improvements  in  economic  life. 
In  short,  all  those  things  which  can  quicken  the  process  of 
creating  wealth  are  embraced.  Therefore,  time-saving  ma- 
chines, transportation  and  communication,  the  money  and 
banking  system,  business  organizations,  etc.,  all  are  in- 
cluded in  the  principle  that  those  who  create  wealth  should 
be  rapid.  Hence,  this  sentence  covers  not  only  production, 
but  also  exchange  and  distribution. 

According  to  Professor  J.  B.  Clark,  exchange  is  only  a 
part  of  production,  because  it  produces  either  form  utility, 
or  place  utility,  or  time  utility.  Distribution  is  intimately 
linked  with  production,  because  distribution  to  each  mem- 
ber is  according  to  the  amount  he  has  contributed  to  the 
product.  Indeed,  production  continues  up  to  the  time  when 
consumption  begins.  Therefore,  the  “ Great  Learning  ” in 
dividing  economics  into  two  parts,  instead  of  four,  covers 
the  whole  ground. 

Following  the  statement  of  the  “ Great  Learning,”  we 
shall  divide  our  treatise  on  the  same  basis, — that  is,  we  shall 
divide  the  economic  principles  of  Confucius  and  his  school 
into  only  two  parts,  namely,  production  and  consumption. 
Within  the  part  of  production,  we  shall  include  the  prin- 
ciples of  exchange  and  distribution.  In  the  natural  order, 
production  precedes  consumption.  For  the  convenience  of 


182  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

our  arrangement,  however,  we  shall  take  up  consumption 
first.  In  the  first  place,  human  wants  are  the  basis  of 
economic  life  and  the  object  of  production.  In  the  second 
place,  the  part  dealing  with  production  needs  to  be  much 
fuller  than  that  dealing  with  consumption,  so  that  it  seems 
best  to  discuss  the  more  simple  subject  first  and  then  the 
more  complex  one. 


PART  II 

CONSUMPTION 


BOOK  IV.  CONSUMPTION 


CHAPTER  XII 

General  Principles  of  Consumption 
i.  human  wants 

All  founders  of  religions  turn  their  attention  to  God, 
but  Confucius  turns  his  to  man.  In  the  “ Evolution  of 
Civilization,”  he  says : “ Man  is  the  product  of  the  attri- 
butes of  Heaven  and  Earth,  by  the  interaction  of  the  dual 
forces  of  nature,  the  union  of  the  animal  and  intelligent 
souls,  and  the  finest  subtle  matter  of  the  five  elements.”  1 
By  this  statement  he  means  that  man  is  a spiritual  being. 
Again,  he  says : “ Man  is  the  heart  and  mind  of  Heaven  and 
Earth,  and  the  visible  embodiment  of  the  five  elements.  He 
lives  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  flavors,  the  discriminating  of 
all  notes  of  harmony,  and  the  enrobing  of  all  colors.”  2 By 
this  passage,  Confucius  means  that  man  is  also  a material 
being.  He  takes  the  feelings  of  man  as  the  basis  of  his 
philosophy.  Or,  as  Confucius  himself  puts  it : “ The  sage 
cultivates  the  feelings  of  man  as  the  fields,  so  that  man  re- 
gards the  sage  as  the  landlord.”  3 

Now,  what  are  the  feelings  of  man?  According  to  Con- 
fucius, man  has  seven  feelings  which  are  given  to  him  by 
nature  and  not  by  learning,  namely,  joy,  anger,  sadness, 
fear,  love,  hatred  and  desire.4  The  last  one,  desire  or  want. 


185 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  380. 

3 Ibid.,  p.  384. 


'Ibid.,  ?.  382. 
* Ibid.,  p.  379. 


j86  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

is  the  strongest  of  all.  Confucius  says : “ For  food  and 
drink  and  sexual  pleasure,  there  is  the  greatest  desire  of 
man ; against  death  and  poverty,  there  is  the  greatest  hatred 
of  man.  Thus  desire  and  hatred  are  the  two  great  ele- 
ments in  the  mind  of  man.”  1 

In  fact,  Confucianism  is  more  human  than  any  other 
religion.  Mankind  is  the  object  of  its  teaching.  Human 
feeling  is  the  field  of  its  work.  Since  desire  is  the  strong- 
est feeling  of  man,  no  matter  how  spiritual  he  may  be,  the 
economic  wants  for  food,  drink  and  sexual  pleasure,  are 
the  corner  stones  of  human  society.  Therefore,  human  de- 
sire is  the  starting  point  both  of  ethics  and  of  economics. 

Kao  Tzu,  a Confucian  living  in  the  time  of  Mencius,  says : 
“ The  appetite  of  food  and  of  sex  is  the  nature  of  man.”  2 
Mencius  says : “A  beautiful  woman  is  what  man  desires 
. . . Wealth  is  what  man  desires  . . . Political  dignity  is 
what  man  desires.”  3 Of  course,  Confucius  and  his  follow- 
ers do  not  mean  that  man  should  be  enslaved  by  his  desires. 
Yet  they  recognize  that  the  human  wants  are  necessary  to 
man.  Therefore,  the  Confucians,  since  Confucius,  never 
advocated  the  doctrine  of  extinguishing  desires  until  the 
time  of  Chou  Tun-yi  (1568-1614,  or  10 17-1073  A.  D.). 
The  true  doctrine  of  Confucius  is  not  that  man  should  have 
no  desires,  but  that  the  fewer  he  has,  the  better.  The 
“ Details  of  Rites  ” says : “ Desires  should  not  be  indulged ; 
. . . pleasure  should  not  be  carried  to  excess.”  4 This  is 
the  true  teaching  of  Confucius  in  regard  to  human  wants. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  the  theory  of  Malthus  is  for- 
mulated upon  the  same  basis  as  that  of  Confucius.  The 
two  postulata  made  by  Malthus  are:  “First,  that  food  is 
necessary  to  the  existence  of  man.  Secondly,  that  the  pas- 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  380. 

5 Ibid.,  p.  344- 


2 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  397. 
4 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  p.  62. 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


l87 

sion  between  the  sexes  is  necessary,  and  will  remain  nearly 
in  its  present  state.”  1 These  two  postulata  are  similar  to 
those  of  Confucius.  However,  Malthus  develops  from 
these  wants  his  famous  doctrine  of  population,  while  Con- 
fucius works  out  a general  system  of  philosophy.  This  is 
because  Malthus  is  a specialized  economist,  while  Confucius 
is  a great  teacher,  in  the  broadest  sense.  Taking  parts  of 
his  general  system,  however,  Confucius,  too,  shows  himself 
an  economist. 

Human  wants,  however,  are  progressive  and  unlimited. 
Such  characteristics  are  described  by  Hsun  Tzu,  as  follows: 

In  the  nature  of  man,  in  his  eating,  he  wants  flesh  of  grass- 
and  grain-fed  animals ; in  his  dressing,  he  wants  silk  of  beau- 
tiful dye,  and  embroidery ; in  his  traveling,  he  wants  carriages 
and  horses.  Besides  these,  he  wants  the  riches  of  accumulated 
surplus.  But,  year  after  year,  and  generation  after  genera- 
tion, man  still  does  not  know  what  “ enough  ” is ; this  is  the 
characteristic  of  human  nature.2 

II.  THE  DOCTRINE  OF  RITES 

Although  Confucius  recognizes  human  wants,  and  sanc- 
tions their  gratification,  he  does  not  allow  the  human  wants 
to  be  uncontrolled.  Therefore,  he  sets  forth  rules  for  their 
regulation,  known  as  rites.  This  means  what  is  proper,  in 
every  way.  The  scope  of  this  word  is  too  broad ; it  has  no 
real  equivalent  in  English,  except  that  the  word  civiliza- 
tion might  cover  its  whole  sense.3  As  we  are  considering 
the  principles  of  consumption,  however,  we  shall  confine 
ourselves  to  those  rites  which  are  connected  with  consump- 
tion. We  shall  divide  the  functions  of  rites  into  two  heads: 

1 Principle  of  Population.  Ashley’s  edition,  p.  6. 

1 Bk.  iii. 

3 Cf.  Montesquieu’s  Spirit  of  Laws.  vol.  i,  pp.  324-5. 


i88  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  one  for  the  satisfaction  of  wants,  and  the  other  for  their 
regulation.  These  are  the  chief  aspects  of  rites.  There  are 
many  other  details,  but  we  shall  study  them  under  other 
sections. 

i.  Satisfaction  of  Wants 

The  first  function  of  rites  is  the  satisfying  of  human 
wants.  This  is  pointed  out  most  clearly  by  Tsun  Tzu: 

Where  do  the  rites  come  from?  Man  is  born  with  wants. 
When  he  wants  something  and  cannot  get  it,  he  must  try  to 
acquire  it  with  all  his  effort.  When  people  acquire  things  with- 
out measure  or  limitation,  they  must  fight  with  one  another. 
When  they  fight  with  one  another,  society  becomes  disordered. 
If  society  became  disordered,  it  would  come  to  an  end.  The 
ancient  kings  hated  social  disorder,  so  they  established  rites 
and  justice  to  mark  the  social  distinctions,  in  order  to  satisfy 
the  wants  of  man  and  to  supply  his  demands.  Preventing  the 
wants  from  exhausting  the  commodities,  and  not  allowing  the 
commodities  ever  to  fail  the  wants,  two  elements  that  help  each 
other  and  keep  society  going — this  is  the  point  from  which  the 
rites  arose. 

Therefore,  the  rites  are  made  for  the  satisfying  of  wants. 
The  flesh  of  grass-  and  grain-fed  animals,  the  rice  and  millet, 
made  savory  with  the  five  flavors,  are  used  to  satisfy  the  sense 
of  taste.  The  scents  of  the  spice-plants  and  orchids  satisfy  the 
sense  of  smell.  Sculptures,  embroideries  and  the  different 
colors  satisfy  the  eyes.  The  bell,  drum,  flute,  sounding-stone, 
lute,  harp,  reed-pipes  and  reed-organ  satisfy  the  ears.  And 
the  pleasant  room,  magnificent  buildings,  rush  mat,  bed,  chair 
and  table  satisfy  the  body.  Therefore,  the  rites  are  necessary 
for  satisfaction.1 

From  what  Hsun  Tzu  has  indicated  we  know  that  the 
fundamental  purpose  of  rites  is  to  satisfy  wants.  Rites  have 
not  grown  out  of  the  religious  or  ethical  sense,  but  out  of 


1 Bk.  xix. 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION  ^9 

economic  wants.1  Therefore,  economic  wants  are  at  the 
basis  of  civilization. 

A particular  characteristic  of  Confucius’  system  is  that 
he  takes  human  wants  as  the  foundation  of  his  philosophy, 
and  combines  the  economic  and  ethical  elements  into  one 
single  principle.  He  says : 

The  rites  have  their  origin  in  Heaven ; their  movement  reaches 
to  the  earth ; their  distribution  extends  to  all  the  business  of 
the  world ; they  change  with  the  times ; they  agree  with  the 
variations  of  condition  and  skill  of  man.  When  they  come 
down  to  man,  they  serve  to  satisfy  the  human  wants.  They 
are  practiced  by  means  of  wealth,  efforts  of  labor,  words  and 
postures  of  courtesy,  eating  and  drinking,  in  the  observances 
of  capping,  marriage,  funeral,  sacrificing,  games  of  archery, 
district-drinkings,  princely  visiting  to  the  emperor,  and  diplo- 
matic intercourse. 

Therefore,  rites  and  justice  are  great  elements  of  man. 
They  are  the  instruments  to  express  truth  and  to  promote  har- 
mony in  dealing  with  others;  and  to  strengthen  the  union  of 
the  cuticle  and  cutis,  the  binding  together  of  the  muscles  and 
bones,  in  dealing  with  one’s  self.  They  are  the  great  systems 
to  nourish  the  living,  to  give  funeral  to  the  dead,  and  to  serve 
the  spirits  and  gods.  They  are  the  great  channels  through 
which  we. carry  out  the  principles  of  Heaven  and  satisfy  the 
feelings  of  man.2 

This  is  the  most  wonderful  system  of  Confucius.  He 
brings  his  principles  from  Heaven,  and  establishes  his  real 
kingdom  upon  the  earth.  His  system  is  not  unhuman,  but 
human;  not  theoretical,  but  practical;  somewhat  spiritual, 


1 What  the  Confucians  call  rites  are  simply  rules  of  consumption  for 
the  satisfaction  of  wants.  The  reason  Confucius  uses  the  word  rites, 
instead  of  an  economic  term,  is  merely  because  he  is  not  a pure 
economist. 

s Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  388-9. 


I go  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

but  very  material;  ethical,  but  at  the  same  time  economic. 
He  especially  emphasizes  that,  when  the  rites  come  down 
to  man,  they  serve  to  satisfy  the  human  wants.  He  takes 
care  of  not  only  the  heart  and  mind,  but  also  the  body; 
he  regards  not  only  the  individual,  but  also  society  and  the 
diplomatic  world.  Indeed,  he  takes  the  economic  needs  as 
the  basis  of  his  ethical  teachings,  and  prescribes  social  sys- 
tems for  the  satisfaction  of  economic  wants.  The  prin- 
ciples of  Heaven  are  included  in  the  desires  of  man,  and  the 
social  and  spiritual  duties  are  discharged  by  the  physical 
and  material  means : without  economics  there  would  be  no 
ethics.  Hence,  he  makes  economics  and  ethics  one  sys- 
tem, and  the  satisfaction  of  human  wants  the  first  function 
of  rites. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  Confucius  establishes  his  religion 
differently  from  that  of  Lao  Tzu  and  that  of  Mo  Tzu. 
They  were  the  two  great  rivals  of  Confucius ; but  they  were 
surpassed  by  him.  It  is  because  their  religions,  Taoism 
and  Moism,  do  not  satisfy  the  human  wants.  Lao  Tzu  says : 

The  five  colors  make  the  eyes  of  man  blind.  The  five  notes 
of  music  make  the  ears  of  man  deaf.  The  five  tastes  make 
the  mouth  of  man  lose  its  sense.  Riding  and  hunting  make 
the  mind  of  man  insane.  The  articles  which  are  hard  to  be 
obtained  make  the  conduct  of  man  harmful.1 

This  is  exactly  opposite  to  the  doctrine  of  Confucius.  On 
this  point,  Lao  Tzu  is  similar  to  Mo  Tzu.  The  economic 
doctrine  of  Mo  Tzu  depends  entirely  upon  parsimony.  He 
reduces  the  consumption  of  man  to  a bare  living.  He  op- 
poses the  practice  of  rites  and  the  use  of  music,  and  makes 
life  as  uncomfortable  as  possible.  Taoism  and  Moism  are 

1 Tao  Te  King,  ch.  xii.  The  five  colors  are  green,  red,  yellow,  white, 
black.  The  five  notes  correspond  to  c,  d,  e,  g,  a.  The  five  tastes  are 
sour,  bitter,  acrid,  salt,  sweet. 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


191 

very  unnatural  and  impracticable,  because  they  do  not 
satisfy  human  wants.  But  Yang  Chu  changed  Taoism  to 
resemble  Epicureanism. 

Basing  it  on  economic  principles,  Confucius  makes  his 
religion  not  only  different  from  Taoism  and  Moism,  two 
religions  native  to  China,  but  also  from  the  foreign  religion 
that  had  been  introduced  into  China,  that  is,  Buddhism. 

In  the  Canon  of  History,  there  is  the  “Announcement 
About  Drunkenness,”  in  which  Chang  Shih  (1684-1731 
A.  K.  or  1133-1180  A.  D.)  gives  a famous  interpretation 
to  show  the  differences  between  Confucianism  and  Bud- 
dhism. We  shall  quote  it  as  follows : 

Strong  drink  is  a thing  intended  to  be  used  in  offering  sac- 
rifices and  in  entertaining  guests ; such  employment  of  it  is 
what  Heaven  has  prescribed.  But  men  by  their  abuse  of  such 
drink  come  to  lose  their  virtue  and  destroy  their  persons ; to 
such  employment  of  it  Heaven  has  annexed  its  terrors.  The 
Buddhists,  hating  the  use  of  things  where  Heaven  sends  down 
its  terrors,  put  away  as  well  the  use  of  them  which  Heaven 
has  prescribed.  It  is  not  so  with  our  Confucians ; — we  only 
put  away  the  use  of  things  to  which  Heaven  has  annexed  its 
terrors ; and  the  use  of  them  of  which  it  approves  remains  as 
a matter  of  course. 

For  instance,  in  the  use  of  meats  and  drinks,  there  is  such 
a thing  as  wildly  abusing  and  destroying  the  creatures  of 
Heaven.  The  Buddhists,  disliking  this,  confine  themselves  to 
a vegetable  diet,  while  our  Confucians  only  keep  away  from 
the  wild  abuse  and  destruction.  In  the  use  of  clothes,  again, 
there  is  such  a thing  as  wasteful  extravagance.  The  Budd- 
hists, disliking  this,  will  have  no  clothes  but  those  of  a dark 
and  sad  color,  while  our  Confucians  only  condemn  the  ex- 
travagance. They,  further,  through  dislike  of  criminal  con- 
nection between  the  sexes,  would  abolish  the  relation  between 
husband  and  wife,  while  our  Confucians  only  denounce  the 
criminal  connection. 


192 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


The  Buddhists,  disliking  the  excesses  to  which  the  evil 
desires  of  men  lead,  would  put  away,  along  with  them,  the 
actions  which  are  in  accordance  with  the  justice  of  heavenly 
principles,  while  our  Confucians  put  away  the  evil  desires 
of  men,  and  what  are  called  heavenly  principles  are  the  more 
brightly  seen.  Suppose  the  case  of  a stream  of  water.  The 
Buddhists,  through  dislike  of  its  being  foul  with  mud,  pro- 
ceed to  dam  it  up  with  earth.  They  do  not  consider  that 
when  the  earth  has  dammed  up  the  stream,  the  supply  of  water 
will  be  entirely  cut  off.  It  is  not  so  with  our  Confucians.  We 
seek  only  to  cleanse  away  the  mud  and  sand,  so  that  the  pure, 
clear  water  may  be  available  for  use.  This  is  the  difference 
between  Buddhism  and  Confucianism.1 

Along  this  line,  we  may  make  a comparison  between 
Confucianism  and  Christianity.  The  position  of  St.  Paul 
in  Christianity  is  more  important  even  than  that  of  Men- 
cius in  Confucianism,  because  Paul  is  the  real  founder  of 
Christianity.  When  we  study  his  first  epistle  to  Timothy, 
he  speaks  of  “ forbidding  to  marry  and  commanding  to  ab- 
stain from  meats  which  God  created  to  be  received  with 
thanksgiving  ” as  the  doctrine  of  demons.2  This  seems 
quite  similar  to  Confucianism,  but  there  is  a difference.  In 
regard  to  marriage,  Confucius  not  only  does  not  forbid  it, 
but  recommends  it  as  a necessary  thing.  Among  all  great 
Confucians,  none  has  spoken  of  celibacy,  although  anyone 
might  practice  it  from  personal  choice.  But  Jesus  regards 
the  unmarried  men  as  those  who  “ have  made  themselves 
eunuchs  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven’s  sake.”  8 And  Paul 
says  also:  “ It  is  good  for  a man  not  to  touch  a woman.”  4 
This  is  really  the  orthodoxy  of  Christianity;  hence,  apos- 
tles and  fathers  of  the  church  alike  have  ever  looked  upon 

1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  p.  402. 

3 1 Timothy  4 : 3. 

3 Matthew  19:  12.  4 I Corinthians  7 - r- 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


193 


marriage  as  a necessary  evil,  and  even  to-day  the  Catholic 
Church  still  clings  to  the  orthodox  view.  This  is  similar  to 
Buddhism,  but  entirely  different  from  Confucianism. 

Concerning  marriage,  Christianity  goes  further  than 
Confucianism,  but  concerning  the  eating  of  meat,  it  is  a 
little  behind  it.  Paul  says  that  God  has  created  meats  “ to 
be  received  with  thanksgiving  by  them  that  believe  and 
know  the  truth.  For  every  creature  of  God  is  good,  and 
nothing  is  to  be  rejected.”  Comparing  such  a theory  with 
that  of  Confucius,  it  seems  narrow-minded,  and  not  very 
humane.  Man  is  also  a creature  of  God ; but  how  can  we 
say  that  we  may  eat  his  flesh  with  thanksgiving?  To  say 
that  every  creature  of  God  is  not  to  be  rejected  is  not  very 
good  reasoning.  Of  course,  we  may,  and  ought  to,  eat  meat 
now;  but  we  should  not  base  the  eating  of  it  on  such  a 
theory. 

Confucius,  although  not  abstaining  from  meat  entirely, 
has  a tendency  to  such  abstinence.  In  the  “ Royal  Regula- 
tions,” there  is  a rule  that  no  one  should  kill  animals  with- 
out sufficient  cause.1  Confucius  says : “ To  fell  a single 
tree,  or  kill  a single  animal,  not  at  the  proper  season,  is 
contrary  to  filial  piety.”  2 And  there  is  a suggestion  that 
the  tendency  of  Confucianism  is  toward  abstaining  from 
meat,  because  there  is  the  principle  of  “ keeping  away  from 
the  kitchen  ” where  the  victims  are  both  killed  and  cooked. 
Mencius  says : “ For  the  relation  of  the  superior  man  to 
animals,  having  seen  them  alive,  he  cannot  bear  to  see  them 
die;  having  heard  their  dying  cries,  he  cannot  bear  to  eat 
their  flesh.  Therefore,  the  superior  man  keeps  away  from 
the  kitchen.”  3 This  is  the  way  to  develop  the  spirit  of 
humanity.  The  Record  of  Rites  says : “A  superior  man 


1 Li  J\.i,  bk.  iii,  p.  227. 

s Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  141. 


1 Ibid.,  bk.  xxi,  p.  228. 


194 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


keeps  away  from  the  kitchen,  and  does  not  tread  wherever 
there  is  such  a thing  as  blood  or  tainted  air.”  1 The  Many 
Dcwdrops  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn  says:  “ Sincerely  love 
the  people;  and  love  also  even  the  animals  and  insects.  If 
we  do  not  love  them  all,  how  can  it  be  called  humanity?”  2 
The  reason  the  Confucians  extend  their  love  to  animals  is 
exactly  because  they  are  the  creatures  of  God.  But,  since 
Confucianism  is  very  practical,  it  does  not  insist  on  ab- 
stinence from  meat  under  existing  conditions.  Mencius 
says : “ The  superior  man  is  affectionate  to  his  relatives,  and 
lovingly  disposed  to  people  generally.  He  is  lovingly  dis- 
posed to  people  generally,  and  kind  to  creatures.”  3 This 
is  the  standard  of  giving  love,  and  it  is  harmonious  with  the 
principle  of  the  Three  Stages.  According  to  Kang  Yu-wei, 
when  we  shall  have  a suitable  substitute  for  meat,  we  shall 
abstain  from  meat  entirely.  This  will  be  the  Extreme 
Peace  Stage  of  Confucius. 

In  short,  concerning  abstinence  from  meat,  from  the 
point  of  view  of  love,  Buddhism  is  the  highest,  but  it  is 
impracticable.  The  theory  of  Paul  is  somewhat  cruel,  al- 
though it  is  an  unavoidable  fact.  Confucianism  here  takes 
the  middle  ground  between  Buddhism  and  Christianity.  It 
embraces  the  whole  principle  of  love,  but  practices  it  step 
by  step.  It  is  the  golden  mean. 

All  these  discussions  are  introduced  not  as  a comparative 
study  of  religions,  but  merely  to  indicate  the  fact  that 
Confucius  combines  the  economic  and  ethical  elements  into 
one  system,  and  that  this  is  a characteristic  peculiar  to  his 
religion. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xi,  p.  4. 

2 Bk.  xxix. 

* Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  476. 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


195 


2.  The  Regulation  of  Wants 
(a)  Moral  Control 

Although  the  primary  function  of  rites  is  for  the  satis- 
faction of  wants,  a secondary  function  is  for  their  regula- 
tion. There  are  many  bases  according  to  which  the  regula- 
tion of  consumption  is  made.  But  the  ethical  basis  is  the 
first  one,  that  is,  self-control.  The  “ Record  of  Music  ” 
says : 

The  ancient  kings,  in  their  institution  of  rites  and  music,  aid 
not  seek  to  extend  the  wants  of  the  appetite  and  of  the  ears 
and  eyes  to  an  extreme ; but  they  intended  to  teach  the  people 
to  regulate  their  passions  of  liking  and  disliking,  and  to  bring 
them  back  to  the  normal  course  of  humanity. 

When  man  is  born,  he  is  still ; it  is  the  nature  given  by  God. 
When  he  is  affected  by  external  things,  he  is  active ; it  is  the 
wants  coming  out  from  his  nature.  When  things  come  to  him 
more  and  more,  his  knowledge  is  increased.  Then  arise  ihe 
passions  of  liking  and  disliking.  If  these  are  not  regulated 
by  anything  within,  growing  knowledge  leads  him  more  astray 
without,  and  he  is  unable  to  come  back  to  himself : his  prin- 
ciple given  by  God  will  be  extinguished. 

Now,  the  moving  power  of  things  upon  man  is  ceaseless ; 
and  if  his  passions  of  liking  and  disliking  are  not  subjected  to 
regulation  from  within,  he  is  changed  into  the  nature  of  things 
as  they  come  before  him;  that  is,  he  destroys  the  principles  of 
God  and  gives  utmost  indulgence  to  the  wants  of  man.  From 
this  we  have  the  rebellious  and  deceitful  heart,  together  with 
licentious  and  violent  disorder.  Therefore,  the  strong  oppress 
the  weak ; the  many  are  cruel  to  the  few ; the  intelligent  im- 
pose upon  the  ignorant ; the  bold  make  it  bitter  for  the  timid ; 
the  diseased  are  not  nursed ; the  old  and  young,  orphans  and 
those  who  are  solitary  are  neglected : such  is  the  great  dis- 
order that  ensues.1 


1 Cf.  Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii,  p.  96. 


ig6  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

From  this  passage,  we  can  understand  why  the  ethical 
element  comes  into  the  economic  field.  First,  man  by  na- 
ture has  wants.  Second,  his  wants  become  more  active 
when  he  is  affected  by  external  things.  Third,  his  wants 
increase  as  his  knowledge  increases,  and  the  latter  is  the 
result  of  the  coming  of  things.  Fourth,  things  that  affect 
man  are  ceaseless,  and  the  wants  of  man  are  limitless.  With 
all  these  four  reasons,  if  man  were  driven  only  by  economic 
wants  without  any  ethical  consideration,  society  would 
surely  become  disordered,  and  the  majority  of  the  human 
race  would  be  unable  to  satify  their  wants. 

In  order  to  make  everyone  able  to  satisfy  his  wants  to 
some  degree,  it  is  necessary  to  make  everyone  able  to  re- 
gulate his  wants.  And  such  regulation  is  best  made  by  each 
for  himself.  Everyone  has  a good  nature  given  by  God; 
if  he  can  come  back  to  himself,  he  will  make  his  own  mind 
the  master  of  his  body,  and  his  passions  will  be  controlled 
within.  This  is  an  ethical  regulation  upon  the  human 
wants,  but  it  has  two  objects.  On  the  one  hand,  it  pre- 
vents the  existence  of  the  rebellious  and  deceitful  heart, 
and  of  licentious  and  violent  disorder.  This  is  the  ethical 
result.  On  the  other  hand,  it  helps  to  supply  the  material 
needs  for  the  weak,  the  few,  the  ignorant,  the  timid,  the 
diseased,  the  old  and  young,  the  orphans  and  the  solitary. 
This  is  the  economic  result.  Therefore,  we  may  ethically 
control  our  consumption,  but  its  effect  will  help  the  con- 
sumption of  others,  and  the  distribution  of  wealth  through- 
out the  whole  society. 

(b)  Social  Control 

The  second  basis  for  the  regulation  of  economic  wants 
is  the  social  order.  In  Confucian  literature,  society  is 
divided  into  five  orders;  namely,  emperor,  princes,  great 
officials,  students,  and  common  people.  Each  class  has  its 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


197 


own  standard,  and  regulates  its  own  consumption.  For  all 
food,  clothes,  dwellings,  furniture,  decorations,  etc.,  there 
are  certain  rules  prescribed  by  law.  For  example,  the  em- 
peror has  seven  ancestral  temples ; each  prince  five ; each  of 
the  great  officials  three ; each  student  one ; the  common  peo- 
ple have  none,  but  worship  their  ancestors  in  their  houses.1 
Again,  when  a son  is  three  days  old,  there  is  a ceremony  of 
receiving  him.  If  he  is  the  eldest  son  of  the  emperor  or  of 
a prince,  three  animals  are  killed  for  the  occasion;  of  a great 
official,  two  small  animals;  of  a student,  a single  pig;  of 
the  common  people,  a sucking  pig.  If  he  is  not  the  eldest 
son,  the  provision  is  diminished  in  every  case  one  degree.2 

The  Many  Deu'drops  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn  says: 

The  ordinary  people  do  not  dare  to  wear  different  colors ; the 
artisans  and  merchants  do  not  dare  to  wear  the  thick  furs  of 
fox  and  badger ; those  criminal  people  who  have  been  pun- 
ished by  bodily  penalty  do  not  dare  to  wear  silk,  or  deep  azure 
and  purple  colors,  nor  do  they  dare  to  ride  on  horses.  This 
is  called  the  system  of  dress.3 

All  these  regulations  are  ancient  customs,  and  they  are 
recognized  by  Confucius.  Of  course,  they  prevent  the  eco- 
nomic development  a good  deal,  but  they  have  three  essen- 
tial purposes. 

First,  they  have  the  ethical  reason.  Han’s  External 
Commentary  of  the  Canon  of  Poetry  4 says: 

The  ancients  have  the  “ appointed  people.”  When  those 
people,  who  are  able  to  respect  the  old,  to  help  the  orphan, 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii:,  p.  223. 

2 Ibid.,  bk.  x,  p.  472.  3 Bk.  xxvi. 

‘Written  by  Han  Ying,  one  of  the  three  oldest  and  greatest  authori- 
ties on  the  Canon  of  Poetry.  He  was  professor  during  the  reign  of 
Han  Wen  Ti  (373-395  A.  K.,  or  179-15 7 B.  C.).  Bk.  vi. 


ig8  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

to  be  moderate  in  their  getting  and  diligent  in  their  working, 
arc  commended  to  their  ruler,  the  ruler  appoints  them  to  have 
the  right  to  ride  with  decorated  carriage  and  two  horses. 
Those  who  have  no  such  appointment  cannot  have  the  right ; 
if  they  do  ride  with  decorated  carriage  and  two  horses,  they 
shall  pay  a penalty.  Therefore,  if  the  people  had  no  rites, 
justice,  merit,  and  virtue,  even  though  they  have  superfluous 
wealth  and  luxurious  things,  they  could  not  use  them.  There- 
fore, the  people  rise  for  love  and  justice,  and  look  down  on 
wealth.  Looking  down  on  wealth,  they  do  not  struggle  for 
money.  Not  struggling  for  money,  the  strong  do  not  oppress 
the  weak  and  the  many  do  not  hurt  the  few. 

Similar  statements  are  given  by  the  Great  Commentary  of 
the  Canon  of  History,  and  the  Park  of  Narratives,  etc. 
This  is  an  important  principle  of  Confucius,  to  raise  the 
standard  of  morality  above  the  standard  of  living.  You 
cannot  raise  the  standard  of  living,  unless  you  raise  the 
standard  of  morality.  The  moralist  can  get  all  the  ma- 
terial enjoyments,  but  the  financier  can  get  nothing.  There- 
fore, the  people  will  struggle  for  virtue  rather  than  for 
wealth,  and  the  two  standards  will  be  identified. 

Second,  they  have  the  social  reason.  That  all  are  born 
equal  is  a theory,  but  that  all  are  not  equal  is  a fact. 
Therefore,  the  superior  man  should  occupy  the  high  position, 
and  the  common  man  the  low  position.  Again,  those  who 
occupy  the  high  position  should  enjoy  high  living,  and  those 
who  stay  in  the  low  position  should  content  themselves  with 
low  living.  If  the  common  people  can  use  everything  which 
is  used  by  the  ruling  class,  they  will  have  no  respect  for 
their  authority,  and  fight  for  usurpation.  Then  society  will 
become  disordered,  and  depend  only  upon  force.  This  is 
especially  true  under  a monarchical  government.  There- 
fore, the  social  scale  should  have  order,  and  the  dress  should 
have  system.  The  Canon  of  History  says:  “ The  carriage 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  CF  CONSUMPTION 


199 

and  the  clothes  are  according  to  service.  Who  will  dare 
not  to  cultivate  a humble  virtue?  Who  will  dare  not  to 
respond  to  this  rule  with  reverence?”  1 

The  significance  of  social  distinction  is  also  indicated  by 
N.  W.  Senior  as  follows: 

We  do  not,  of  course,  mean  it  to  be  inferred  that  all  personal 
expenditure  beyond  mere  necessaries  is  necessarily  unpro- 
ductive. The  duties  of  those  who  fill  the  higher  ranks  in 
society  can  seldom  be  well  performed  unless  they  conciliate 
the  respect  of  the  vulgar  by  a certain  display  of  opulence.2 

This  is  a theory  similar  to  that  of  Confucius. 

Third  and  last,  they  have  an  economic  reason,  and  this 
is  the  most  important.  If  wealth  were  always  unlimited  for 
the  satisfaction  of  human  wants,  even  though  there  were  no 
regulation  of  consumption,  there  would  be  neither  moral 
corruption  nor  social  disorder.  But  the  great  trouble  is  that 
wealth  is  limited,  and  that  it  cannot  satisfy  the  wants  of 
everybody.  Hence  the  principles  of  distribution  come  in. 
Before  the  wealth  is  distributed,  the  Confucians  believe  that 
standards  of  consumption  according  to  the  social  standing 
should  first  be  set  forth.  If  consumption  had  no  legal 
standard,  and  were  regulated  only  by  the  law  of  final  utility, 
no  one  would  feel  quite  satisfied,  even  though  the  distribu- 
tion were  very  just.  This  is  because  human  wants  are  un- 
limited. The  Many  Dcwdrops  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn 
says:  “The  objects  of  wants  are  limitless;  their  quantity 
never  can  be  enough.  Hence,  there  is  the  suffering  of 
poverty.”  3 

The  modern  economic  theory  is  to  increase  consumption 
in  order  to  increase  production.  But  the  theory  of  Con- 

1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  i,  pp.  83-4. 

5 Political  Economy,  pp.  56-7. 


Bk.  xxvii. 


200  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

fucius  is  to  limit  consumption.  Why  so?  In  ancient  China, 
there  was  no  machinery;  there  was  no  slavery;  agriculture 
was  the  principal  occupation;  and  every  kind  of  work  de- 
pended upon  the  two  hands.  Under  such  conditions,  how 
could  the  existing  production  be  increased?  Of  course, 
Confucius  appreciates  invention  and  improvement.  But, 
before  the  modern  machine  came  to  exist,  there  was  no 
epoch-making  advance  in  the  increase  of  production.  At 
that  age,  when  everyone  was  afraid  that  production  would 
fall  short  of  consumption,  who  should  dare  to  advise  the 
people  to  extend  consumption  in  order  to  stimulate  the 
increase  of  production  ? Therefore,  the  regulation  of  con- 
sumption, although  not  a happy  thing,  was,  nevertheless,  at 
that  time,  a necessary  measure  for  economic  society. 

Furthermore,  the  limitation  of  consumption  had  the  effect 
of  encouraging  production.  By  production,  we  mean  both 
the  material  and  immaterial  production  of  value.  If  the 
higher  class  can  consume  more  than  the  lower,  and  the  lower 
are  jealous  of  the  higher,  the  lower  class  will  endeavor  to 
raise  themselves  to  the  higher  scale,  and  will  enjoy  the  same. 
According  to  the  principles  of  Confucius,  there  is  no  fixed 
social  order,  but  every  one  can  find  his  own  place  by  his 
contribution  to  society.  The  higher  classes  are  open  to 
everybody;  or  anyhow  a man  can  become  one  of  the  “ ap- 
pointed people  ” very  easily.  If  he  wants  to  consume  more, 
he  has  to  raise  himself  higher.  If  he  raises  himself  higher, 
he  produces  more  value  to  society;  and  if  he  consumes 
more,  the  aggregate  of  material  production  must  be  larger. 
Therefore,  the  regulation  of  consumption  does  not  prevent 
the  progress  of  society,  but  helps  it  along. 

(c)  Financial  Condition 

The  third  basis  for  the  regulation  of  human  wants  is  the 
financial  condition  of  individuals.  One  day  Tzu-lu  says: 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


201 


“Alas,  for  the  poor!  While  their  parents  are  alive  they 
have  not  the  means  to  nourish  them;  and  when  they  are 
dead,  they  have  not  the  means  to  perform  the  mourning  rites 
for  them.”  Confucius  gives  him  the  lesson  as  follows: 

Bean  soup,  and  water  to  drink,1  while  the  parents  are  made 
happy,  may  be  pronounced  filial  piety.  If  a son  can  only  wrap 
the  body  round  from  head  to  foot,  and  inter  it  immediately, 
without  a shell,  that  being  all  which  his  means  allow,  he  may 
be  said  to  discharge  all  the  rites  of  mourning.2 

Again,  when  Tzu-yu  asks  about  the  articles  to  be  provided 
for  the  mourning  rites,  Confucius  says : “ They  should  be 
according  to  the  means  of  the  family.”  Tzu-yu  urges: 
“ How  can  one  family  that  has  means  and  another  that  has 
not  have  things  done  in  the  same  way?”  “ Where  there  are 
means,”  replies  Confucius,  “ let  there  be  no  exceeding  of  the 
prescribed  rites.  If  there  be  a want  of  means,  let  the  body 
be  lightly  covered  from  head  to  foot,  and  forthwith  buried, 
the  coffin  being  simply  let  down  by  means  of  ropes.  Who 
in  such  a case  will  blame  the  procedure?”3  Moreover,  the 
“ Details  of  Rites  ” gives  a general  princple  that  the  poor 
need  not  use  goods  and  wealth  to  discharge  the  rites.4 

Everyone  knows  that  Confucius  has  given  very  many  de- 
tails of  rites.  When  he  comes  to  economic  questions,  how- 
ever, he  describes  them  most  simply  and  convincingly.  Con- 
fucius, indeed,  is  a very  practical  man.  The  principles  of 
life  are  summed  up  by  him  thus  : 

The  superior  man  does  what  is  proper  to  the  position  in  which 
he  is ; he  does  not  desire  anything  outside  of  it.  In  a position 

1 Even  at  the  time  of  Confucius,  drinking  water  was  considered  a mark 
of  poverty.  But,  at  present,  America  uses  water  as  a national  drink. 

2 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii,  p.  182. 

3 Ibid.,  pp.  153-4. 


* Ibid.,  bk.  i.  p.  78. 


202  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

of  wealth  and  honor,  he  does  what  is  proper  to  a position  of 
wealth  and  honor.  In  a poor  and  low  position,  he  does  what 
is  proper  to  a poor  and  low  position.  Situated  among  bar- 
barous tribes,  he  does  what  is  proper  to  a situation  among 
barbarous  tribes.  In  a position  of  sorrow  and  difficulty,  he 
does  what  is  proper  to  a position  of  sorrow  and  difficulty. 
The  superior  man  can  find  himself  in  no  situation  in  which  he 
is  not  himself.1 

One  may  say  that  consumption  according  to  means  is  a 
very  common  thing,  and  needs  no  special  teaching  from 
Confucius.  This  might  be  true.  When  we  study  the  hu- 
man wants,  however,  we  find  that  those  who  have  means 
will  spend  more  than  is  proper  for  them,  and  that  those  who 
have  no  means  will  spend  more  than  they  can  bear.  In  the 
former  case,  it  disturbs  the  social  order,  or  at  least  it  must 
be  an  economic  waste.  In  the  latter  case,  it  makes  the  poor 
poorer.  Although  the  poor  cannot  spend  beyond  a certain 
limit,  they  may  still  use  up  all  they  have,  or  borrow  money 
in  the  expectation  of  future  income,  or  come  to  the  worst, 
corruption  and  robbery.  That  is  an  economic  and  social 
evil.  Furthermore,  even  if  a man  spends  what  his  means 
allow,  but  is  not  satisfied  with  his  poor  condition,  his  mind 
still  suffers  great  pain.  By  the  teaching  of  Confucius,  he 
will  not  only  maintain  his  financial  condition,  but  also  enjoy 
a good  deal  of  happiness  in  life.  The  “ Details  of  Rites  ” 
says:  “ When  the  rich  and  noble  know  to  love  rites,  they  do 
not  become  proud  nor  dissolute.  When  the  poor  and  mean 
know  to  love  rites,  their  minds  do  not  become  cowardly.”  3 

(d)  Time  Element 

Tbe  fourth  basis  for  the  regulation  of  wants  is  the  time 
element.  Tzu-ssu  says:  “ I have  heard  that  when  there  are 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  395. 


2 Li  Ki,  bk.  i.  p.  65. 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


203 


certain  rites  to  be  observed,  and  he  has  not  the  necessary 
wealth,  a superior  man  does  not  observe  them,  and  that 
neither  does  he  do  so,  when  there  are  the  rites,  and  he  has 
the  wealth,  but  the  time  is  not  suitable.”  1 When  he  speaks 
of  the  rites,  he  refers  to  the  ethical  considerations,  the  social 
orders,  and  all  the  other  proper  rules.  These  principles  have 
been  discussed  above.  We  shall  discuss  the  time  element 
now. 

The  principle  of  the  time  element  is  very  broad ; it  takes 
into  consideration  all  the  things  that  are  related  to  the  period 
when  the  wealth  is  spent.  Above  all,  however,  the  national 
spirit  is  a most  important  consideration.  Ts‘eng  Tzu  says: 
“ When  a nation  is  not  well  governed,  the  superior  man  is 
ashamed  to  observe  all  rites  to  the  full.  When  a nation  is 
extravagant,  he  shows  an  example  of  frugality.  When  a 
nation  is  frugal,  he  shows  an  example  of  the  strict  observ- 
ance of  all  rites.”  2 Therefore,  the  national  spirit  is  the 
chief  barometer  of  the  time,  and  determines  the  scale  of 
spending.  But  we  must  understand  that  the  superior  man 
does  not  bend  himself  to  follow  the  national  spirit,  but  raises 
himself  as  a guide  for  the  correction  of  his  nation.  This  is 
the  principle  of  the  golden  mean,  that  is  to  say,  not  adding 
anything  to  the  prevailing  habit,  or  tending  toward  either 
extreme,  but  drawing  the  nation  of  that  age  back  and  keep- 
ing it  in  the  middle  way. 

Confucius  says : “ When  good  order  does  not  prevail  in 
the  state,  one  should  not  use  the  full  dress  as  prescribed.”  3 
And  “ Small  Rules  of  Demeanor  ” also  says : “ When  a 
state  is  at  the  time  of  luxury  and  decay,  the  carriages  are 
not  carved  and  painted;  the  buff-coats  are  not  adorned  with 
ribbons  and  cords ; and  the  dishes  are  not  carved ; the  super- 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii,  p.  152.  2 Cf.  ibid.,  p.  1 75- 

s Ibid.,  bk.  xi,  p.  11. 


204  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


ior  man  does  not  wear  shoes  of  silk ; and  horses  are  not  reg- 
ularly supplied  with  grain.”  1 These  five  things  are  given 
as  examples  of  showing  frugality  during  times  of  national 
extravagance. 

As  China  is  an  agricultural  country,  the  condition  of  the 
crops  is  very  important  in  judging  of  the  time  element.  If 
the  crop  fails,  consumption  ought  to  be  cut  down.  The 
eleventh  book  of  the  Record  of  Rites  says:  “ If  the  year  is 
not  good  and  fruitful,  the  emperor  wears  white  and  plain 
robes,  rides  in  the  plain  and  unadorned  carriage,  and  has 
no  music  at  his  meals.”  It  says  again:  “ If  the  year  is  not 
good  and  fruitful,  the  ruler  wears  linen,  and  sticks  in  his 
girdle  a tablet  made  of  bamboo  instead  of  ivory  . . . No 
earthworks  are  undertaken.  The  great  officials  do  not  make 
any  new  carriage  for  themselves.”  2 Its  first  book  says: 

In  bad  years,  when  the  grain  of  the  season  does  not  come  to 
maturity,  the  ruler  at  his  meals  will  not  make  the  usual  offer- 
ing of  the  lungs  [that  is,  he  will  not  take  more  than  one  kind 
of  meat]  ; nor  will  his  horses  be  fed  on  grain.  His  special 
road  will  not  be  kept  clean  and  swept,  nor  even  at  sacrifices 
will  his  musical  instruments  be  suspended  on  their  stands. 
Great  officials  will  not  eat  the  large-grained  millet;  and  the 
students  will  not  have  music,  even  at  their  drinkings.3 

In  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  there  is  a principle  that  the 
construction  of  any  public  work  should  not  be  performed 
during  a bad  year.  The  fundamental  idea  is  that,  in  a bad 
year,  all  expenditures  should  be  cut  down  to  the  minimum. 
Since  the  work  of  construction  is  most  expensive,  the  Spring 
and  Autumn  takes  it  as  an  example.  But  we  must  under- 
stand that,  in  ancient  times,  the  public  work  was  done  by 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xv,  p.  8i. 

5 Ibid.,  bk.  i,  p.  106. 


2 Ibid.,  bk.  xi,  pp.  2,  4. 


GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONSUMPTION 


205 


forced  labor;  hence,  if  the  people  were  employed  in  a 
bad  year,  they  would  suffer  more  severely  than  usual.  Since 
hired  labor  was  established  in  the  Sung  dynasty,1  public 
work  is  now  advisable  for  the  help  of  the  poor  in  a bad  year. 
This  scheme  is  carried  out  in  order  to  give  the  people 
public  employment  instead  of  alms,  because  thus  they  can 
receive  wages. 

When  a crop  is  bad,  not  only  should  human  beings  cut 
down  their  consumption,  but  the  gods  also  should  suffer 
for  it.  The  ninth  book  of  Record  of  Rites  says : 

The  Cha  with  its  eight  sacrifices  serves  to  record  the  condi- 
tion of  the  people  throughout  all  the  quarters  of  the  empire. 
If  in  any  quarter  the  year  has  not  been  good,  the  gods  of  that 
quarter  are  excluded  from  such  sacrifices  held  in  the  imperial 
state,  in  order  to  notify  these  people  that  they  should  be  very 
careful  in  the  use  of  their  wealth.  If  those  quarters  have  had 
a good  year,  such  sacrifices  are  opened  to  their  gods,  in  order 
to  please  those  people,  that  they  should  have  enjoyment.2 

By  this  rule,  the  gods  share  sorrow  and  joy  with  the  people. 
In  fact,  in  a bad  year,  religious  expense  must  be  cut  down. 
Confucius  says  that  “ victims  lower  than  a man’s  stand- 
ard requires  should  be  used.”  3 

Supplementing  the  time  element,  is  a consideration  for  the 
place.  The  Canon  of  History  says : “ Loving  the  products 
of  your  land  only,  the  heart  will  be  good.”  4 This  means 
that  you  will  not  fall  into  temptation,  if  you  have  no  desire 
for  the  luxurious  things  from  other  lands.  This  seems  more 
ethical  than  economic. 

1 See  infra. 

2 Cf.  Li  Ki,  bk.  ix,  p.  434. 

5 Ibid.,  bk.  xviii,  p.  166. 

4 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  p.  403. 


206  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


But  there  is  also  a real  economic  teaching  on  this  point. 
The  Record  of  Rites  says : 

What  the  land  does  not  produce  will  not  be  used  by  a superior 
man  in  performing  the  rites.  ...  If  mountaineers  were  to 
seek  to  use  fish  and  turtles  in  their  rites,  or  the  dwellers  near 
lakes,  deer  and  pigs,  the  superior  man  would  say  of  them  that 
they  did  not  know  the  nature  of  those  usages.1 

This  is  both  economic  and  economical.  On  the  one  hand, 
the  rites  are  easily  performed,  because  they  do  not  require 
certain  things  from  another  land.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
money  is  saved,  because  it  spares  the  unnecessary  expense 
of  getting  something  away  from  their  own  land. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  viii,  pp.  395-6. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


Happiness  for  Both  Rich  and  Poor 

When  we  study  the  proposition  that  consumption  should 
accord  with  one’s  financial  condition,  we  see  that  Confucius 
would  make  everyone  contented  with  his  own  lot.  But  we 
shall  inquire  further  to  see  how  Confucius  creates  happi- 
ness for  both  the  rich  and  the  poor.  For,  if  we  say  that 
one’s  consumption  should  be  according  to  his  means,  the 
consumer  might  still  feel  economic  pressure  because  he  can- 
not do  otherwise.  But,  if  we  say  that  one  always  finds 
pleasure  in  whatever  he  consumes,  independent  of  the 
amount,  then  the  consumer  is  really  a happy  man ; and  this 
is  especially  true  when  he  is  poor.  In  the  former  case,  the 
consumer  adapts  himself  to  his  condition,  and  needs  some 
effort  to  regulate  his  wants.  In  the  latter  case,  the  con- 
sumer raises  himself  above  his  condition,  and  pays  no  at- 
tention to  his  wants.  It  is  the  highest  ideal  in  economic 
life,  and  it  is  nevertheless  very  practicable  for  everyone. 
This  is  the  value  of  the  teachings  of  Confucius. 

I.  HAPPINESS  OF  THE  RICH 

i.  Contentment  with  Means  Possessed 
For  the  consumption  of  the  rich,  the  principle  is  con- 
tentment with  means  possessed.  Wealth  does  not  make  the 
rich  happy,  but  contentment  does.  Confucius  sometimes 
said  of  Prince  Ching  of  Wei  that  he  knew  the  economy  of  a 
family  well.  When  he  began  to  have  means,  he  said,  “ Ha ! 
here  is  a collection !”  When  they  were  a little  increased, 

207 


208  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


he  said,  “Ha!  this  is  complete.”  When  he  had  become 
rich,  he  said,  “Ha!  this  is  admirable!”1  These  utter- 
ances are  not  the  exact  expressions  of  Prince  Ching,  but 
they  represent  his  feelings  as  described  by  Confucius.  He 
sets  forth  Prince  Ching  as  a good  example  of  managing  the 
household.  The  essential  thing  is  that  Ching  did  not  care 
much  for  getting  wealth,  because  his  wants  were  few  and 
were  easily  satisfied.  He  was  contented  with  what  he  had, 
so  that  he  was  very  cheerful  through  all  the  three  periods 
of  his  economic  life. 

Everyone  ought  to  be  contented  with  what  he  possesses ; 
then  he  may  find  himself  rich.  If  he  is  not  contented, 
even  if  he  be  an  emperor,  he  will  still  find  himself  poor,  and 
his  hunting  for  wealth  will  never  cease.  But  how  can  he 
be  contented?  He  should  accept  his  economic  condition 
as  it  is,  and  not  extend  his  wants  beyond  his  means.2 3  In 
modern  times,  if  the  millionaire  followed  the  teaching  of 
Confucius,  there  would  be  no  suicide  on  account  of  economic 
troubles. 


II.  HAPPINESS  OF  THE  POOR 

i.  Personal  Pride 

For  the  consumption  of  the  poor,  the  primitive  principle 
is  that  personal  pride  should  not  be  affected  by  one’s  econo- 
mic condition, — that  is,  personality  is  worthier  than  any 
material  thing  outside  of  oneself.  Confucius  says:  “A 
student,  whose  mind  is  set  on  truth,  and  who  is  ashamed  of 
bad  clothes  and  bad  food,  is  not  fit  to  be  discoursed  with.”  8 
To  respect  oneself  as  the  most  valuable  object  in  the  world, 
and  to  pay  no  attention  to  whatever  one  consumes,  this  is 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  266. 

2 Han’s  External  Commentary  of  the  Canon  of  Poetry,  bk.  v. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  168. 


HAPPINESS  FOR  BOTH  RICH  AND  POOR 


209 


the  first  step  to  obtain  the  truth  of  Confucius.  And  it  is 
a very  simple,  but  very  effective,  way  to  make  the  poor 
happy. 

Confucius  speaks  of  Tzu-lu,  whose  personal  name  is  Yu. 
He  says: 

Dressed  himself  in  a tattered  robe  quilted  with  hemp,  yet 
standing  by  the  side  of  men  dressed  in  furs  of  fox  or  badger, 
and  not  ashamed; — ah!  it  is  Yu  who  is  like  this! 

“ He  has  no  jealousy  and  no  entreaty; — 

What  is  not  good  when  he  does  anything?”1 

The  last  two  sentences  are  quoted  from  the  Canon  of 
Poetry  in  admiration  of  Tzu-lu.  When  anyone  is  ashamed 
because  he  is  poor,  he  may  either  be  jealous  of  the  rich,  or 
entreat  them  for  something.  But  neither  is  good.  The 
best  thing  is  to  maintain  personal  dignity  and  disregard 
material  welfare. 

When  Confucius  describes  the  different  types  of  the  con- 
ducts of  the  Ju,  the  Confucian,  he  gives  one  type  as  this: 

The  Ju  may  have  a house  in  only  one  acre  of  ground ; its  apart- 
ment is  ten  feet  in  width  and  height ; the  outer  door  is  made  of 
thorns  and  bamboos,  and  its  side  door  is  simply  an  opening  of 
the  wall,  long  and  pointed ; the  inner  door  is  stopped  up  by 
brushwood,  and  the  little  round  window  is  like  a jar’s  moulh. 
The  members  of  the  family  may  have  to  exchange  alternately 
the  same  clothes  when  they  go  out.  They  may  have  to  make 
one  day’s  food  serve  for  two  days.  Despite  such  a condition, 
if  the  ruler  responds  to  him,  he  does  not  lose  his  confidence; 
and  if  the  ruler  does  not  respond,  he  does  not  offer  any  flattery. 
This  is  the  type  when  the  Ju  take  the  small  office  for  the  re- 
lief of  poverty.2 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  225. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxxviii,  pp.  405-6. 


2io  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

From  this  passage,  we  can  see  how  strong  is  the  character 
of  a Confucian.  No  matter  how  poor  may  be  his  shelter, 
clothing  and  food,  he  is  confident  of  his  principles,  and  is 
honorable  because  of  his  personality.  This  law  is  given 
by  Confucius  to  dignify  his  followers. 

The  poor  feel  unhappy  about  their  consumption  not  only 
because  it  is  difficult  for  them  to  satisfy  their  physical  needs, 
but  mainly  because  they  cannot  reach  a higher  social  stand- 
ard, and  so  they  fear  to  have  no  standing  in  society.  To 
cure  such  a feeling,  and  to  raise  oneself  above  petty  so- 
cial ambitions,  it  is  well  to  read  the  passage  of  Mencius. 
He  says : 

To  desire  to  be  honored  is  the  common  feeling  of  men.  But 
all  men  have  in  themselves  that  which  is  truly  honorable. 
Only  they  do  not  think  of  it.  The  honor  which  some  men 
confer  on  others  is  not  good  honor.  Those  whom  Chao  the 
Great 1 ennobles  he  can  make  mean  again.  It  is  said  in  the 
Canon  of  Poetry:  “ He  has  filled  us  with  wine;  he  has  satiated 
us  with  virtue.”  “ Satiated  us  with  virtue  ” means  satiated  us 
with  love  and  justice,  and  he  who  is  so  satiated,  consequently 
does  not  wish  for  fat  meat  and  fine  millet  of  men.  When  a 
good  reputation  and  far-reaching  praise  fall  to  him,  he  does 
not  desire  the  elegant  embroidered  garments  of  men.2 

When  one  reads  this  chapter,  he  will  certainly  find  him- 
self very  worthy,  and  he  will  get  from  himself  real  satis- 
faction, even  truer  and  better  than  that  from  material  things. 
Such  a theory  is  not  based  upon  an  ideal  imagination,  but 
upon  real  facts.  As  Mencius  points  out,  “ those  whom 
Chao  the  Great  ennobles  he  can  make  mean  again  ”.  How 
can  such  a temporary  and  uncertain  honor  be  worth  while 

1 This  title  was  borne  by  four  ministers  of  the  family  of  Chao,  who 
at  different  times  held  the  chief  sway  in  the  state  of  Tsin. 

’ Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  419-20. 


HAPPINESS  FOR  BOTH  RICH  AND  POOR 


21 1 


to  a man  who  is  really  noble  in  himself?  One  can  make  no 
comparison  between  the  virtue  and  reputation  which  a 
worthy  man  enjoys  and  the  food  and  clothes  which  a rich 
man  consumes,  because  the  satisfaction  in  the  former  case 
is  too  great  to  be  compared  with  that  in  the  latter.  As 
soon  as  one  understands  this  truth,  he  will  occupy  the  most 
honorable  position  in  society,  no  matter  how  poor  he  may  be. 

Mencius  has  a great  deal  of  pride  and  expresses  this  most 
frankly.  He  says : 

Those  who  give  counsel  to  the  great  should  despise  them, 
and  not  look  at  their  pomp  and  display.  Halls  several  times 
eight  cubits  high,  with  beams  projecting  several  cubits, — 
these,  if  my  wishes  were  to  be  realized,  I would  not  have. 
Food  spread  before  me  over  ten  cubits  square,  and  attendants 
and  concubines  to  the  number  of  hundreds, — these,  though  my 
wishes  were  realized,  I would  not  have.  Excessive  pleasure 
in  drinking,  and  the  dash  of  hunting,  with  a thousand  chariots 
following  after  me, — these,  though  my  wishes  were  realized, 
I would  not  have.  What  they  esteem  are  what  I would  have 
nothing  to  do  with ; what  I esteem  are  the  rules  of  the  an- 
cients. Why  should  I be  afraid  of  them?1 

In  fact,  if  we  maintain  our  high  moral  standard,  although 
our  standard  of  living  be  low,  we  are  never  afraid  of  the  rich. 

The  superiority  of  virtue  over  wealth  is  a principle  of 
Confucius,  and  it  has  become  the  national  spirit  of  the 
Chinese.  Adam  Smith  points  out  four  causes  of  subordin- 
ation. namely,  (i)  the  superiority  of  personal  qualifications 
— strength,  beauty,  and  agility  of  body,  wisdom  and  virtue, 
prudence,  justice,  fortitude,  and  moderation  of  mind;  (2) 
the  superiority  of  age;  (3)  the  superiority  of  fortune;  and 
(4)  the  superiority  of  birth.  Mencius  enumerates  only  three 
things  worthy  of  honor;  he  sums  up  the  personal  quali- 


Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  496. 


212  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

fications  in  the  word  virtue,  combines  the  two  elements, 
fortune  and  birth,  in  the  word  nobility,  and  counts  age  as 
a separate  one.1 

The  classification  of  Mencius  is  essentially  the  same  as 
that  of  Adam  Smith.  But  their  theories  are  entirely  dif- 
ferent. The  theory  of  Smith  is  based  on  general  facts,  so 
that  he  thinks  fortune  is  the  most  important  of  all  the  four 
causes  in  getting  authority.  The  theory  of  Mencius  is  an 
ideal,  though  also  based  on  facts,  so  that  he  puts  virtue  as 
the  most  honorable  thing.  Smith’s  theory  may  be  true 
when  he  refers  to  the  western  world,  but  Mencius’  theory 
also  is  true  when  he  speaks  of  China.  China  has  honored 
virtue  above  anything  else,  and  this  is  a peculiar  product 
of  Confucius.  Smith  says:  “There  never  was,  I believe, 
a great  family  in  the  world  whose  illustration  was  entirely 
derived  from  the  inheritance  of  wisdom  and  virtue.”  2 But, 
in  China,  besides  the  family  of  Confucius,  there  still  are 
many  families  of  his  disciples,  and  of  the  greatest  Con- 
fucians  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  whose  illustriousness  is  de- 
rived entirely  from  the  inheritance  of  wisdom  and  virtue. 
Although  their  descendants  do  not  possess  virtue  equal  to 
that  of  their  ancestors,  the  Chinese  confer  upon  them  special 
nobility  in  honor  of  the  virtue  of  their  ancestors.  Creating 
the  real  nobility  in  honor  of  virtue,  leaving  the  descendants 
of  the  great  princes,  great  kings  and  great  emperors  in  the 
background,  and  giving  no  honor  at  all  to  the  millionaires, 
— this  is  the  influence  of  Confucius.  Under  his  influence, 
the  poor  really  do  not  lose  social  standing  on  account  of 
their  low  standard  of  life,  if  they  in  themselves  are  worth 
anything. 

Confucius  first  teaches  the  poor  how  to  maintain  personal 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  213-4. 

J Wealth  of  Nations,  vol.  ii,  pp.  204-6.  Cannan’s  edition. 


HAPPINESS  FOR  BOTH  RICH  AND  POOR 


213 


dignity  over  and  against  material  wealth,  and  second,  he 
teaches  society  how  to  appreciate  the  honor  of  virtue  over 
and  above  the  power  of  fortune.  Following  his  teaching, 
virtue  really  holds  the  place  of  honor  in  the  Chinese  social 
life.  Such  a national  spirit,  during  the  Latter  Han  dynasty, 
and  the  Sung  and  the  Ming  dynasties,  flourished  at  its  best 
times ; even  at  the  present  day,  it  still  prevails  over  the  whole 
empire.  It  is  the  flower  of  China,  and  the  fruit  of  Con- 
fucius. Although  it  may  retard  material  development  to 
some  extent,  it  has  brought  a large  sum  of  happiness  to 
society.  Indeed,  Confucius  makes  man  far  nobler  than 
wealth. 


2.  Pleasure  in  Truth 

The  highest  principle  for  the  consumption  of  the  poor  is 
that  the  pleasure  in  truth  should  not  be  affected  by  the  eco- 
nomic condition;  that  is,  pleasure  in  truth  is  the  most  en- 
joyable thing,  and  there  is  nothing  else  able  to  attract  the 
mind.  This  is  the  highest  type  of  living  for  the  poor.  It 
is  an  advance  over  the  primitive  principle.  For,  if  we  main- 
tain personal  pride  against  material  wealth,  we  still  feel  that 
we  are  poor  in  something,  and  that  the  wealth  is  there,  in 
our  minds.  We  must  make  a comparison  between  our  im- 
material riches  and  the  material  riches  of  others.  Hence, 
we  hold  our  honor  with  some  purpose,  and  struggle  for  so- 
cial standing  with  some  effort.  But,  if  we  enjoy  the  pleas- 
ure of  truth,  and  have  no  concern  whatever  when  we  con- 
sume anything,  we  really  forget  our  own  condition,  and 
ignore  the  wealth  of  others.  Hence,  we  live  naturally  with 
great  pleasure,  and  raise  our  minds  far  above  the  economic 
world.  This  is  the  happiest  type  of  the  living  of  Confucians. 

To  illustrate  this  principle,  Confucius  gives  his  own  case. 
He  says : “ With  coarse  rice  to  eat,  with  water  to  drink,  and 
my  bended  arm  for  a pillow,  I still  have  pleasure  in  the 


214 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


midst  of  these  things.  Riches  and  political  position  ac- 
quired by  unrighteousness  are  to  me  as  a floating  cloud.”  1 
He  takes  great  pleasure  in  truth ; even  in  great  poverty, 
he  does  not  suffer  any  pain,  nor  is  his  pleasure  affected. 
We  must  understand  that  he  does  not  regard  those  things 
as  his  pleasure,  but  simply  that  those  things  have  no  in- 
fluence upon  his  pleasure. 

Confucius  gives  also  the  case  of  Yen  Yuan,  whose  per- 
sonal name  is  Hui.  He  says : 

Admirable  indeed  is  the  virtue  of  Hui ! With  a single  bamboo 
dish  of  rice,  a single  gourd  dish  of  drink,  and  living  in  his 
mean,  narrow  lane,  while  others  could  not  have  endured  the 
distress,  he  does  not  allow  his  pleasure  to  be  affected  by  it. 
Admirable  indeed  is  the  virtue  of  Hui ! 2 

This  is  an  extreme  case  showing  that  happiness  can  be  in- 
dependent of  poverty.  Yen  Yuan  did  not  take  his  poverty 
as  a pleasure,  but  enjoyed  his  own  pleasure,  which  was  not 
affected  by  poverty. 

Confucius  does  not  forbid  the  people  to  make  a living; 
he  simply  teaches  them  that  they  should  not  let  their  happi- 
ness depend  upon  material  wealth.  The  creating  of  true 
happiness  beyond  the  material  world,  and  the  elevating  of 
the  mind  to  be  independent  of  physical  needs,  are  the  essen- 
tials of  his  teaching.  Moreover,  the  type  of  Confucius  and 
Yen  Yuan  is  the  highest  standard,  especially  for  those  who 
devote  themselves  to  the  study  of  truth.  Hence,  they  should 
find  great  pleasure  in  truth,  and  should  not  disturb  their 
minds  with  material  things.  But,  for  the  common  people 
in  general,  to  make  a living  is  their  duty.  Even  though 
their  happiness  is  affected  by  their  economic  condition,  Con- 
fucius excuses  them.  Therefore,  while  Confucius  is  anxious 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  200. 


2 Ibid.,  p.  188. 


HAPPINESS  FOR  BOTH  RICH  AND  POOR 


215 


to  provide  a good  condition  for  the  common  people,  he 
gives  the  highest  standard  to  inspire  the  superior  man.  But, 
although  the  common  people  are  not  expected  to  realize 
this  highest  principle,  they  may  still  know  that  happiness  is 
independent  of  the  mode  of  living,  when  they  study  the 
teachings  of  Confucius.  Hence,  they  may  enjoy  their  life 
better,  even  though  they  are  poor. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


Different  Ways  of  Getting  Pleasure 

When  we  consume  anything,  we  get  pleasure;  hence, 
whenever  we  get  pleasure  out  of  material  things,  it  is  con- 
sumption. According  to  Confucius,  there  are  many  ways 
to  get  pleasure.  But  we  may  study  a few  things  which 
particularly  belong  to  Confucius,  and  serve  as  means  of 
obtaining  pleasure. 

There  is  a general  principle  of  enjoying  pleasure,  which 
is  given  by  Mencius.  To  enjoy  pleasure  by  one’s  self  alone, 
is  not  so  pleasurable  as  to  enjoy  it  with  others.  To  enjoy 
pleasure  with  a few  is  not  so  pleasurable  as  to  enjoy  it  with 
many.1  Bearing  this  general  principle  in  mind,  we  shall 
know  that  the  ways  of  getting  pleasure  are  really  good  ways. 

I.  MUSIC 

First,  Confucius  was  very  fond  of  music.  When  he  was 
in  Ch‘i,  he  heard  the  Shao,  the  music  of  Emperor  Shun, 
and  he  did  not  know  the  taste  of  flesh  for  three  months. 
“ I did  not  think  ”,  he  said,  “ that  music  could  have  been 
made  so  excellent  as  this!”  2 Again,  he  said:  “ From  the 
beginning  of  singing  of  Music-master  Chih,  to  the  end  of 
the  six  pieces  3 of  which  Kuan  Chii  is  the  first  one, — how 
magnificently  it  fills  the  ears !”  4 These  two  expressions 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  151.  5 Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  199. 

* They  are  the  first  three  poems  in  the  first  and  second  books  of  the 

Cation  of  Poetry. 

4 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  213. 

216 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


217 


show  how  Confucius  delights  in  the  enjoyment  of  music. 
In  fact,  his  liking  for  music  was  much  greater  than  that 
for  flesh,  and  its  pleasure,  appealing  to  his  ears,  was  much 
greater  than  that  which  appealed  to  his  appetite. 

Confucius  regards  music  as  necessary  to  daily  life.  The 
“ Details  of  Rites  ” says : “ Without  some  sad  cause,  a great 
official  should  not  remove  his  music-stand  away,  nor  a stu- 
dent his  lutes.”  1 We  learn  from  the  Analects,  that  Con- 
fucius sang  every  day,  except  after  he  had  wept  for  a 
mourning  on  the  same  day.  When  Confucius  was  singing 
together  with  some  one,  if  the  one  sang  well,  he  usually 
made  him  repeat  it,  and  then  he  followed  it  with  his  own 
voice.2 3  The  word  sing  in  the  old  sense  of  the  Chinese 
always  means  that  there  is  an  accompaniment  of  musical 
instruments.  Therefore,  Confucius  got  pleasure  from 
music,  not  only  as  a listener,  but  mostly  as  a player  and 
a singer. 

Confucius  taught  music  not  only  to  his  pupils,  but  also 
to  the  officials.  He  gave  instruction  to  the  Grand  Music- 
master  of  Lu  as  follows  : 

The  spirit  of  music  may  be  known.  At  the  commencement 
of  music  [ringing  out  the  bells  for  the  playing  of  the  piece  of 
Ssu  Hsia],  there  is  a movement  in  the  hearts  of  men.  A little 
later  [when  the  men  sing  together],  there  is  a harmony. 
[When  the  organ  is  played  only  with  tunes  to  which  there  are 
no  words],  there  is  a distinction  among  the  different  tunes. 
[When  the  singing  of  men  and  the  playing  of  organ  take  place 
alternately],  there  is  a continuation.  [After  the  music  is 
closed  with  the  six  pieces  of  which  Kuan  Chii  is  the  first] . it 
is  complete.8 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  p.  106. 

* Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  197,  205. 

3 Cf.  ibid.,  p.  163. 


218  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


This  was  the  arrangement  of  music  by  Confucius  himself, 
and  he  described  his  appreciation  of  it. 

A great  achievement  of  Confucius  was  the  reformation  of 
music.  He  said:  “ Since  I have  returned  from  Wei  to  Lu, 
the  music  is  reformed  and  the  tunes  of  ya  and  sung  find 
their  proper  places.”  1 Confucius  loved  music,  but  he  hated 
vulgar  music.  He  said : “ I hate  the  tunes  of  Cheng 
which  confound  the  music  of  the  ya.”  2 Cheng  was  a com- 
mercial state  during  the  Eastern  Chou  dynasty;  its  influ- 
ence was  immoral,  and  its  music  was  licentious;  hence  all 
kinds  of  vulgar  music  were  called  the  tunes  of  Cheng. 
Therefore,  the  reformation  of  music  of  Confucius  was  the 
reformation  of  tunes.  The  tunes  of  ya  and  sung  found 
their  proper  places,  and  they  were  not  confounded  by  those 
of  Cheng.  Confucius  made  music  an  object  of  pleasure, 
but  did  not  allow  it  to  be  licentious.  He  said:  “ Kuan  Chu 
[and  the  two  following  pieces]  3 are  expressions  of  pleasure 
without  being  licentious,  and  of  grief  without  hurtful  ex- 
cess.” This  is  the  principle  of  the  music  of  Confucius. 

The  theory  of  music  is  given  in  the  “ Record  of  Music,” 
and  we  may  select  a few  passages  from  it,  and  rearrange 
them. 

For  the  origin  of  music,  the  “ Record  of  Music  ” says: 

All  the  modulations  of  the  voice  arise  from  the  mind,  and 
the  various  affections  of  the  mind  are  produced  by  things  ex- 
ternal to  it.  The  affections  thus  produced  are  manifested  in 
the  sounds  that  are  uttered.  Changes  are  produced  by  the 
way  in  which  those  sounds  respond  to  one  another ; and  those 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  221. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  326. 

3 They  are  the  first  three  poems  in  the  first  book  of  the  Canon  of 
Poetry. 

4 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  i5i. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


219 


changes  constitute  what  we  call  the  modulations  of  the  voice. 
The  combination  of  those  modulated  sounds,  so  as  to  give 
pleasure,  and  the  direction  in  harmony  with  them  of  the 
shields  and  axes,  the  plumes  and  ox-tails,  constitute  what  we 
call  music.1 

This  is  the  definition  of  music  which  includes  the  movement 
of  dance  or  pantomime.  In  short,  music  is  the  product  of 
the  human  mind. 

Anything  arising  from  the  mind  of  man,  however,  is  not 
artificial,  but  natural.  The  “ Record  of  Music  ” says : 
“ The  influences  of  heaven  and  earth  and  all  the  various 
things  flow  forth  and  never  cease:  and  they  join  together 
to  form  one  great  harmony,  and  then  produce  the  changes : 
— in  accordance  with  this,  there  is  music.”  2 Indeed,  music 
is  a natural  product  of  the  universe,  and  man  is  but  an 
imitator  of  nature. 

Concerning  the  reasons  why  music  was  made  an  institu- 
tion, the  “ Record  of  Music  ” says: 

Music  is  an  object  of  pleasure,  that  which  the  nature  of  man 
cannot  be  without.  Pleasure  must  be  expressed  in  the  modu- 
lations of  the  voice  and  manifested  in  the  movements  of  the 
body ; such  is  the  rule  of  humanity.  These  modulations 
and  movements  are  the  changes  required  by  human  nature, 
and  they  are  found  complete  in  music.  Thus  men  will  not  live 
without  pleasure,  and  pleasure  will  not  exist  without  its  em- 
bodiment; but  if  that  embodiment  be  not  conducted  accord- 
ing to  principle,  it  is  impossible  to  prevent  disorder.  The 
ancient  kings,  feeling  that  they  would  be  ashamed  in  the  event 
of  such  disorder,  appointed  the  tunes  and  words  of  the  ya 
and  the  sung  to  guide  the  pleasure.  They  made  the  notes 
give  sufficient  pleasure  without  any  intermixture  of  what  was 
bad,  the  words  afford  sufficient  for  discussion  without  ex- 


1 IJ  Ki,  bk.  xvii,  p.  92. 


1 Ibid.,  p.  102. 


220 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


hausting  their  senses.  And  they  directed  the  voice  in  sing- 
ing, whether  tortuous  or  straight,  the  sounds  of  musical  instru- 
ments, whether  increasing  or  diminishing,  whether  small  or 
great,  and  the  process  of  playing,  whether  pausing  or  starting; 
all  sufficient  to  stir  up  in  the  minds  of  the  hearers  what  was 
good  in  them,  without  inducing  any  looseness  of  thought,  or 
depraved  air.  Such  was  the  way  of  framing  music  of  the 
ancient  kings.1 

Music  has  two  functions : the  one  is  for  the  administration 
of  pleasure,  and  the  other  is  for  the  guidance  of  it,  in  order 
to  keep  it  in  the  right  way. 

The  relation  between  music  and  society  is  very  close. 
First,  society  has  its  influence  upon  music  as  the  “ Record 
of  Music  ” says : 

The  airs  of  an  age  of  good  order  are  peaceful  and  pleasant; 
they  indicate  the  harmony  of  the  government.  The  airs  of 
an  age  of  disorder  are  dissatisfied  and  angry ; they  indicate  the 
confusion  of  the  government.  The  airs  of  a state  going  to 
ruin  are  grievous  and  gloomy ; they  indicate  the  suffering  of 
the  people.  The  spirit  of  the  airs  is  connected  with  the  gov- 
ernment.2 

In  turn,  music  has  its  influence  upon  society.  The 
“ Record  of  Music  ” says : 

When  the  airs  are  quick,  small,  dry  and  short,  the  people  are 
gloomy  and  sad.  When  the  airs  are  gentle,  harmonious,  slow, 
and  easy,  having  various  styles,  but  in  a simple  way,  the  people 
are  comfortable  and  pleasant.  When  the  airs  are  coarse  and 
violent,  so  as  to  excite  the  body  and  cause  anger,  the  people  are 
resolute  and  daring.  When  the  airs  are  pure,  straightforward, 
strong,  correct,  grave,  and  true,  the  people  are  sober  and 
respectful.  When  the  airs  are  liberal  and  graceful,  as  a re- 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii,  p.  127. 


1 Ibid.,  pp.  93-4. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


22 1 


suit  of  orderly  performance  and  harmonious  action,  the  people 
are  kind  and  loving.  When  the  airs  are  uncontrolled,  perverse, 
immoral,  dissipated,  barbarous,  and  irregular,  the  people  are 
licentious  and  disordered.1 

Therefore,  at  first,  music  is  a product  of  the  mind  of  man; 
whenever  his  mind  is  affected  by  either  a good  or  a bad 
thing,  his  music  will  be  either  good  or  bad.  But.  at  the 
last,  man  is  a subject  under  the  influence  of  music;  when- 
ever the  music  is  either  good  or  bad,  he  will  be  moved 
either  way.  Man  and  music  interact  upon  each  other. 
Hence,  man  should  be  very  careful  about  the  affections, 
which  come  to  his  mind  from  external  things  and  then 
express  themselves  through  music;  but  man  should  be  also 
careful  about  music,  which  in  turn  influences  him. 

As  to  the  usefulness  of  music,  we  may  divide  it  up  into 
four  categories.  First,  music  has  ethical  value.  The 
“ Record  of  Music  ” says: 

Rites  and  music  should  not  for  a moment  be  neglected  by  any- 
one. When  one  has  mastered  completely  the  principles  of 
music,  and  regulated  his  heart  and  mind  accordingly,  the 
natural,  honest,  loving,  and  sincere  heart  is  easily  developed, 
and  with  this  development  of  the  heart  comes  a great  pleas- 
ure. ...  If  the  heart  be  for  a moment  without  the  feeling 
of  harmony  and  pleasure,  meanness  and  deceitfulness  enter 
it.2 


Second,  music  has  physical  value.  The  “ Record  of 
Music  ” says : 

From  the  manner  in  which  the  shields  and  axes  are  held  and 
brandished,  and  from  the  movements  of  the  body  in  the  prac- 
tice with  them,  now  turned  up,  now  bent  down,  now  retiring, 
now  stretching  forward,  the  carriage  of  the  person  receives 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii.  p.  108. 


2 Ibid.,  p.  125. 


222  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


gravity.  From  the  way  in  which  the  pantomimes  move  to 
their  several  places,  and  adapt  themselves  to  the  several  parts 
of  the  performance,  the  arrangement  of  their  ranks  is  made 
correct,  and  their  order  in  advancing  and  retiring  is  secured.1 

In  fact,  in  this  way,  music  is  something  like  a gymnasium, 
a theater,  or  a dancing  school.  It  gives  physical  training 
to  the  body. 

Third,  music  has  social  and  political  value.  The  “ Record 
of  Music  ” says : 

When  rulers  and  ministers,  high  and  low,  listen  together  to 
the  music  in  the  ancestral  temple,  all  is  harmonious  and  rever- 
ent. When  old  and  young  together  listen  to  it  at  the  clan, 
village  and  district,  all  is  harmonious  and  deferential.  Wdien 
the  fathers  and  sons,  brothers  and  cousins,  together  listen  to 
it  within  the  gate  of  the  family,  all  is  harmonious  and  affec- 
tionate. ...  In  this  way,  fathers  and  sons,  rulers  and  sub- 
jects, are  united  in  harmony,  and  the  people  of  the  myriad 
states  are  associated  in  love.2 

Fourth,  music  has  economic  value.  The  “ Record  of 
Music  ” says  : 

Music  is  an  object  of  pleasure.  The  superior  man  finds  his 
pleasure  in  it  because  it  satisfies  his  principles,  and  the  com- 
mon man  finds  his  pleasure  in  it  because  it  satisfies  his  wants. 
. . . When  one  enjoys  alone  the  pleasure  of  music  in  his  mind, 
he  will  not  tire  of  his  principles.  When  he  keeps  his  prin- 
ciples fully,  he  will  not  satisfy  his  wants  in  a selfish  way.  . . . 
Hence  it  is  said,  “ Of  the  principles  of  political  economy, 
music  is  the  greatest  one.”  3 

It  is  very  interesting,  this  fact  that  the  Record  regards 
music  as  the  greatest  principle  of  political  economy.  It 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii,  p.  128.  2 Ibid.,  p.  128.  3 Ibid.,  pp.  112-3. 


DIFFERENT  WAVS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


223 


gives  this  quotation  which  may  come  from  an  old  saying, 
from  Confucius  himself,  or  from  his  disciples.  However  it 
may  come,  it  is  certainly  a principle  of  Confucius.  It  is  be- 
cause music  can  satisfy  the  economic  wants  without  danger 
to  the  ethical  principles.  This  is  the  characteristic  of  Con- 
fucius’ economy. 

The  component  parts  of  music  are  four,  namely,  musi- 
cal instruments,  poetry,  singing  and  the  dance.  The  “ Re- 
cord of  Music”  says:  “Poetry  gives  expression  to  the 
thought ; singing  prolongs  the  notes  of  the  voice ; dance  puts 
the  body  into  action  in  harmony  with  the  sentiments.  These 
three  things  originate  in  the  mind,  and  the  musical  instru- 
ments accompany  them.”  1 

Let  us  consider  only  singing  and  the  dance.  As  to  the 
beauty  of  singing,  the  “ Record  of  Music  ” gives  the  fol- 
lowing description  : 

In  singing,  the  high  notes  rise  as  if  they  were  borne  aloft;  the 
low  descend  as  if  they  were  falling  to  the  ground;  the  turns 
resemble  a thing  bending  itself  and  then  turning  around ; the 
stops  resemble  a dead  tree  without  motion ; emphatic  notes 
seem  to  be  made  by  the  square,  quavers  are  like  the  hook  of 
a spear ; and  those  prolonged  on  the  same  key  are  like  pearls 
strung  togther.2 

From  this  description,  we  may  get  some  idea  about  the  sing- 
ing of  Confucius’  time. 

The  dance  of  the  ancient  Chinese  was  something  like  a 
play.  There  were  two  kinds  of  dance;  civil  and  military 
In  a civil  dance,  the  plumes  and  ox-tails  were  waved,  and  in 
a military  one,  the  shields  and  axes  were  brandished.  Their 
general  style  is  indicated  by  the  “ Record  of  Music  ” as 
follows : 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii.  p.  112. 


* Ibid.,  pp.  [30-1. 


224  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

At  first,  there  are  three  strokes  on  the  drum  to  warn  the  per- 
formers to  be  in  readiness,  and  then  there  are  three  steps  to 
show  the  gradual  start  of  the  dance.  On  the  second  beginning, 
the  dance  really  takes  its  place,  and  it  is  going  on.  At  the 
end,  they  return  to  their  position  in  good  order.1 

It  is  said  that  the  wheelings  and  revolutions  of  the  dance 
are  like  the  wind  and  rain. 

The  ancient  dance  was  the  origin  of  the  Chinese  drama. 
Let  us  take  the  military  dance  for  our  example,  as  we  can- 
not get  the  civil  one.  Confucius  said: 

Regarding  the  music  of  Wu,  in  the  first  scene,  the  pantomimes 
proceed  towards  the  north  to  imitate  the  marching  of  Wu 
Wang  against  Shang,  [or  the  Yin  dynasty].  In  the  second 
scene,  they  show  the  extinction  of  Shang.  In  the  third  scene, 
they  exhibit  the  victorious  return  to  the  south.  In  the  fourth 
scene,  they  play  the  annexation  of  the  southern  states.  In 
the  fifth  scene,  they  manifest  the  division  of  labor  of  the  dukes 
of  Chou  and  Shao,  one  on  the  left  and  the  other  on  the  right, 
in  charge  of  the  empire.  In  the  sixth  scene,  they  return  to 
the  point  of  starting  to  show  that  the  work  of  the  emperor 
is  complete  and  that  the  whole  empire  recognizes  him  as  the 
supreme  ruler.2 

These  are  the  outlines  of  the  music  of  Wu.  Because  it  was 
a military  dance,  Confucius  said,  “ It  is  perfectly  beautiful, 
but  not  perfectly  good.”  3 

In  ancient  times,  singing  and  the  dance  were  taken  by 
different  persons  and  at  different  places.  The  singers  were 
on  the  higher  stage,  and  the  dancers  below  it.  But  they 
worked  together  in  harmony,  and  all  the  characteristics  of 
the  play  were  made  intelligible.  In  modern  times,  the 
actors  are  both  singing  and  acting  at  the  same  time,  in  har- 
mony with  music. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii,  p.  113.  2 Ibid.,  pp.  122-3. 

8 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  165. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


225 


We  must  understand  that,  according  to  Confucius,  women 
should  not  take  part  in  the  dance  at  all.  It  was  only  in  the 
vulgar  music  that  women  came  on  the  stage.  Ssu-ma 
Chien  tells  us  that  the  tunes  of  Cheng  arose  from  the  feudal 
princes  who  competed  with  each  other  for  fame  and  honor 
in  such  things.1  This  kind  of  music  was  composed  either 
only  of  girls  or  of  a mixture  of  both  boys  and  girls.2  But 
Confucius  condemned  it.  Under  his  influence,  China  had 
no  actresses  in  the  theater.  Very  recently,  however,  Shang- 
hai has  plays  performed  entirely  by  girls,  and  Tientsin  has 
plays  performed  by  both  sexes  together.  This  is  merely  the 
beginning  of  the  foreign  influence. 

Confucius  generally  does  not  approve  of  the  social  mix- 
ture of  the  two  sexes;  hence  he  does  not  approve  of  the 
dance  between  them.  The  ancient  Chinese,  however,  had 
such  a custom  as  the  European  or  American  dance,  par- 
ticipated in  by  both  boys  and  girls.  In  the  Canon  of  Poetry, 
there  is  a poem  indicating  that  in  the  morning  the  son  of 
Tzu-chung  and  the  daughter  of  Yuan  danced  at  the  market- 
place.3 This  is  the  only  example  we  can  find  ; it  means  that 
such  a dance  was  a local  custom  only.  Confucius  puts  this 
poem  in  this  Canon  only  to  condemn  such  a dance.  Under 
his  influence,  China  never  has  the  social  dance  between  men 
and  women. 

Confucius  says:  “ For  changing  the  influence  of  the  peo- 
ple and  altering  their  customs,  there  is  nothing  better  than 
music.”  4 Hence,  his  principle  is  to  develop  the  taste  for 
music  among  the  people.  To  attack  the  principle  of  Con- 
fucius and  establish  his  own,  Mo  Tzu  has  written  three 

1 Historical  Record,  ch.  xxiv. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xvii,  p.  117. 

s Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  p.  206. 

4 Sacred  Books,  vol.  iii,  p.  482. 


226  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


books  entitled  “ Condemnation  of  Music  His  theory 
is  based  entirely  upon  the  economic  argument ; for  the 
player  of  music  and  the  listener  are  wasting  their  time 
and  checking  their  production  of  wealth.  This  is  a very 
good  example  to  illustrate  the  difference  between  Con- 
fucius and  Mo  Tzu,  the  one  an  advocate  of  music,  and  the 
other  against  it.  Both  defend  their  views  with  economic 
reasons.  As  Confucius  looks  at  it  from  the  point  of  view 
of  consumption,  he  thinks  music  necessary.  Mo  Tzu 
looks  at  it  only  from  the  point  of  view  of  production,  ignor- 
ing the  principles  of  consumption  entirely,  so  he  thinks 
music  a waste.  This  is  the  weakest  point  of  Mo  Tzu. 

Since  Confucius  lays  so  much  importance  on  music,  why 
is  the  Chinese  music  so  poor?  To  explain  briefly,  it  is  the 
fault  of  the  Chinese  scholars.  In  the  Han  dynasty,  the 
Canon  of  Music  of  Confucius  had  been  lost.  Hence  the  tunes 
of  the  ya  and  the  sung  were  unknown.  Moreover,  the 
pitch-tubes  were  also  lost,  so  that  the  musical  instruments 
of  the  classical  music  were  also  unknown.  Whatever  had 
remained  was  called  vulgar  music.  The  scholars  found 
it  impossible  to  trace  back  to  the  notes  of  Confucius ; but 
they  did  not  pay  attention  to  the  so-called  vulgar  music,  and 
left  it  to  the  poor  musician  whose  only  object  was  money- 
making. They  were  much  too  conservative,  and  did  not 
know  the  evolution  and  progress  of  music.  Or  it  is  better 
to  say  that  they  were  influenced  by  Confucius  too  much  on 
the  ethical  side,  and  forgot  his  most  important  principle, 
that  music  is  an  object  of  pleasure.  Therefore,  on  the  one 
hand,  they  tried  to  reproduce  the  old  instruments,  but  did 
not  get  any  result.  On  the  other  hand,  they  regarded  the 
prevailing  music  as  the  tunes  of  Cheng,  and  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  it.  Hence,  the  so-called  classical  music 
did  not  produce  any  pleasure,  and  the  so-called  vulgar  music 
has  necessarily  become  popular. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


2 27 


Since  the  vulgar  music  did  not  secure  any  help  from  the 
scholars,  and  lost  their  moral  support,  too,  it  was  retarded 
in  its  development.  As  a matter  of  fact,  although  the 
vulgar  music  cannot  be  classical,  it  is  by  no  means  entirely 
licentious.  If  the  scholars  would  accept  it  as  a base  and 
then  reform  it,  China  would  have  a natural  development 
of  music.  Unfortunately,  they  made  the  great  mistake  of 
not  dealing  with  the  popular  music,  and  it  became  a great 
loss  to  China.  Indeed,  they  were  not  good  followers  of 
Confucius.  Confucius  says:  “‘It  is  music’,  they  say;  ‘it 
is  music  ’,  they  say.  Are  bells  and  drums  all  that  is  meant 
by  music?”  1 According  to  the  principle  of  Confucius,  the 
essentials  of  music  are  harmony  and  pleasure.  If  any  music 
can  produce  these  essentials  without  excess,  it  is  good  music. 
But  most  of  the  old  scholars  did  not  understand  this  prin- 
ciple. Even  the  few  who  did  understand  it  had  no  influence. 

II.  DISTRICT-DRINKING 

The  second  way  of  getting  pleasure  is  the  rite  of  district- 
drinking. It  is  one  of  the  eight  rites  of  Confucius.  There 
are  four  occasions  on  which  this  rite  is  performed.  First, 
when  the  best  students  are  elected  and  sent  to  the  ruler ; 
second,  when  the  ministers  and  great  officials  give  enter- 
tainment to  the  best  men  of  that  state ; third,  when  the  head 
of  the  county  collects  the  people  to  practice  archery ; fourth, 
when  the  president  of  the  town  observes  the  Cha  sacrifice; 
— all  these  occasions  have  the  rite  of  district-drinking.  But 
we  shall  discuss  the  fourth  only,  as  it  is  the  most  democratic 
one. 

Before  we  go  into  the  rites  of  drinking,  we  must  explain 
what  the  Cha  means.  The  word  Cha  expresses  the  idea  of 
searching  out.  In  the  twelfth  month  of  the  year,  they 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  324. 


228  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIP1.es  OF  CONFUCIUS 


brought  together  some  of  all  the  products  of  the  harvest, 
and  sought  out  the  authors  of  them  to  present  these  pro- 
ducts to  them  as  offerings.  There  were  eight  objects  to 
which  the  sacrifices  were  offered; — namely,  the  Father  of 
Husbandry,  the  Oldest  Minister  of  Agriculture,  the  dis- 
coverers of  the  various  grains,  the  ancient  overseers  of  hus- 
bandmen, the  spirit  of  the  buildings  marking  out  the  boun- 
daries of  the  .fields,  the  spirits  of  cats  and  tigers,  the  spirit 
of  dykes,  and  the  spirit  of  water-channels.  These  sacri- 
fices were  expressions  of  thanks.  The  principle  was  that 
when  anything  renders  you  service,  you  must  give  it  a re- 
turn. As  the  cats  devoured  the  rats  and  mice  of  the  field, 
the  tiger  devoured  the  wild  boars,  and  the  dykes  and  water- 
channels  performed  their  business,  they  should  receive  re- 
turn. Such  a custom  was  originated  in  legendary  times. 
In  fact,  it  is  a festival  day  of  thanksgiving. 

After  these  eight  sacrifices,  they  proceeded  to  sacrifice  to 
their  ancestors  and  the  five  spirits  of  the  house.  They 
wore  yellow  robes  and  yellow  caps  for  the  performance  of 
sacrifice,  in  order  to  indicate  that  the  farmers  should  take 
a rest.  The  yellow-caps  were  the  dress  of  the  country,  and 
they  were  the  signs  of  the  farmers.  The  harvest  time  be- 
ing past,  the  people  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  rest.  There- 
fore, after  the  Cha,  the  ruler  did  not  commence  any  public 
work  for  the  employment  of  the  people.1 

On  such  an  occasion,  the  rite  of  district-drinking  takes 
place.  There  must  be  a great  gathering  of  the  people  in 
the  school  house,  and  the  president  of  the  town  is  the  host. 
Many  details  are  given  in  the  Canon  of  Rites,  but  we  shall 
omit  them,  picking  out  three  following  passages  from  the 
“ Principles  of  District-Drinking.” 

First,  this  rite  has  an  ethical  significance.  The  “ Prin- 
ciples of  District-Drinking  ” says : 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ix,  pp.  431-434. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


229 


The  host  bows  to  the  coming  guest  as  he  receives  him  outside 
the  door  of  the  school.  They  enter  and  three  salute  one  an- 
other, till  they  come  to  the  steps.  There  each  three  yields 
the  precedence  to  the  other,  and  then  they  ascend.  In  this 
way  they  carry  to  the  utmost  their  mutual  demonstrations  of 
honor  and  humility.  The  host  washes  his  hands,  rinses  the 
cup,  and  raises  it, — to  give  the  highest  idea  of  purity.  The 
host  bows  when  the  guest  arrives  in  the  hall ; the  guest  bows' 
when  the  host  washes  the  cup,  and  bows  again  when  the  cup  is 
received ; the  host  bows  after  the  cup  has  been  sent  away ; and 
the  guest  bows  when  the  drinking  is  over, — in  this  way  carry- 
ing to  the  utmost  their  mutual  respect.1 

Honor,  humility,  purity  and  respect  are  the  manners  of 
social  intercourse.  They  will  keep  men  away  from  quarrels 
and  disputations,  and  prevent  the  evils  of  violence  and  dis- 
order. 

Second,  it  has  a social  significance.  The  “ Principles  of 
District-Drinking  ” says : 

Those  who  are  sixty  years  old  sit  down,  and  those  who  are 
only  fifty  stand  up  and  wait  for  any  order  of  service; — thus 
illustrating  the  honor  which  is  paid  to  elders.  Before  those 
who  are  sixty,  three  additional  dishes  are  placed ; before  those 
of  seventy,  four;  before  those  of  eighty,  five;  and  before 
those  of  ninety,  six : — thus  illustrating  how  the  aged  are  cher- 
ished and  nourished.  When  the  people  know  how  to  honor 
their  elders  and  nourish  their  aged,  they  will  be  able  to  prac- 
tice filial  piety  and  fraternal  duty  in  their  own  homes.  Filial 
and  fraternal  at  home,  and  honoring  the  elders  and  nourishing 
the  aged  outside  of  their  family,  the  religion  is  complete,  and 
this  leads  to  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  state.2 

Third,  it  contains  an  economic  lesson.  The  “ Principles 
of  District-Drinking”  says: 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xlii,  p.  435. 


2 Ibid.,  pp.  439-440. 


230  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

When  the  guest  sips  some  of  the  liquor  ...  at  the  end  of  the 
table,  it  means  that  the  middle  of  the  table  is  not  only  for  the 
purpose  of  eating  and  drinking,  but  also  for  the  performance 
of  rites.  It  shows  that  the  rites  are  made  valuable,  while 
wealth  is  made  of  little  account.  When  the  guest  drains  the 
liquor  of  the  cup  at  the  top  of  the  western  steps,  it  means  that 
the  table  is  not  merely  for  the  purpose  of  eating  and  drinking, 
and  shows  the  principle  that  rites  stand  at  the  first  place  and 
wealth  at  the  last.  When  rites  have  the  first  place  and  wealth 
the  last,  the  people  become  respectful  and  yielding,  and  are 
not  contentious  with  one  another.1 

From  this  point  of  view,  the  district-drinking  combines 
economic  and  ethical  elements  into  one  principle. 

The  “ Miscellaneous  Records,”  however,  tells  that  this 
drinking  harmonizes  with  a purely  economic  principle,  that 
is,  the  balance  between  working  and  enjoying.  Tzu-kung, 
having  gone  to  see  the  festival  of  Cha,  found  all  the  people 
drunk.  Confucius  asked  him,  “ T‘zu,  does  it  give  you  pleas- 
ure ? ” The  answer  was,  “ The  people  of  the  whole  state 
appear  to  be  mad ; I do  not  know  in  what  I could  find  pleas- 
ure.” Confucius  said: 

For  their  hundred  days’  labor  in  the  field,  the  husbandmen 
receive  this  one  day’s  enjoyment  from  the  state; — this  is  what 
you  do  not  understand.  Even  Wen  and  Wu  could  not  keep  a 
bow  in  good  condition,  if  it  were  always  drawn  and  never  re- 
laxed ; nor  did  they  leave  it  always  relaxed  and  never  drawn. 
To  keep  it  now  strung  and  now  unstrung  is  the  principle  of 
Wen  and  Wu.2 

This  dialogue  shows  the  difference  between  Confucius  and 
his  pupil.  Tzu-kung  was  too  strict  and  thought  that  the 
people  should  not  have  the  pleasure  of  drinking.  Con- 
fucius was  sympathetic  with  the  laborers,  and  thought  that 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xlii,  p.  439. 


Ibid.,  bk.  xviii,  p.  167. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


231 


the  festival  day  was  necessary  for  them.  “ Now  strung  and 
now  unstrung  ” is  a good  rule  for  keeping  the  physical 
strength  of  the  people  in  good  condition,  and  it  suggests 
the  principle  of  labor  legislation. 

Confucius  says : “ When  I observe  the  district-drinking. 
I know  that  the  principles  of  a royal  government  are  very 
easy  to  carry  out.”  There  is  a distinction  between  the 
honorable  guest  and  the  common  guests : this  exhibits  the 
principle  of  social  order  between  the  noble  and  the  mean. 
There  is  a difference  in  the  number  of  ceremonies  paid  to 
the  different  guests : this  illustrates  the  proper  degree  of 
using  ceremonies.  After  the  formal  music  is  finished,  a 
superintendent  is  appointed  to  look  over  the  ceremonies : 
this  means  that  they  get  harmony  and  pleasure  without  dis- 
order. They  pledge  one  another  according  to  age,  and  even 
the  keepers  of  the  vases  and  the  cup-washers  enjoy  the  same : 
this  is  a practice  of  fraternity,  without  omitting  anyone. 
Finally,  taking  off  their  shoes  below  the  hall,  and  sitting  in 
the  hall  for  the  feast,  they  drink  as  much  as  they  can  stand, 
and  play  music  as  much  as  they  please;  but  the  ceremonies 
are  nevertheless  observed : this  shows  that  they  are  able 
to  enjoy  the  feast  without  any  confusion.  These  five  quali- 
ties form  the  reason  why  Confucius  says  that  the  prin- 
ciples of  a royal  government  are  very  easy  to  carry  out.1 

This  rite  still  exists  to-day,  but  only  in  a very  aristo- 
cratic form.  Its  essentials  are  found  in  the  country  life 
when  there  is  a social  drinking;  but  it  does  not  use  its 
name,  and  has  no  so  much  ceremonies. 

III.  GAME  OF  ARCHERY 

The  third  way  of  getting  pleasure  is  by  the  game  of 
archery.  It  is  also  one  of  the  eight  rites  of  Confucius. 
Its  beginning  and  its  end  are  the  same  as  the  rite  of  district- 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xlii,  pp.  440-442. 


232  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

drinking,  and  the  game  takes  place  at  the  middle  part. 
After  the  formal  music  is  finished,  and  before  the  general 
pledging  begins,  there  is  the  game  of  archery.  We  shall 
describe  the  game  as  simply  as  possible  according  to  the 
Canon  of  Rites.  There  are  one  host,  one  guest,  and  the 
common  guests,  sometimes  with  great  officials.  The  game 
is  presided  over  by  the  master  of  archery  and  the  superin- 
tendent, and  has  many  curators.  Two  men  make  up  one 
pair; — the  one  is  called  upper  archer,  standing  on  the  right; 
and  the  other,  lower  archer,  standing  on  the  left.  The  dis- 
tance between  the  two  is  about  the  length  of  a bow.  Each 
one  shoots  four  arrows;  the  lower  archer  follows  the  upper 
archer  in  each  shooting,  and  the  arrow  of  the  winner  must 
pierce  the  target  which  is  made  of  cloth. 

The  game  is  divided  into  three  parts.  In  the  first  part, 
there  is  the  game  of  the  three  pairs  who  are  made  up  of 
young  students  for  the  practice  of  archery.  At  first,  the 
master  of  archery  himself  gives  an  example.  Then  he  di- 
rects the  three  pairs  in  the  game.  But  the  score  is  counted 
later. 

In  the  second  part,  there  is  the  game  of  all  the  members. 
At  first,  they  arrange  the  pairs;  the  host  is  with  the  guest; 
the  great  officials,  even  though  their  number  may  be  many, 
are  coupled  with  the  students;  and  the  common  guests  are 
coupled  with  one  another;  the  host  and  the  great  officials 
act  as  the  lower  archers.  After  taking  their  arrows  and 
coming  to  their  positions,  the  score  of  the  first  game  is 
counted.  Then  the  three  pairs  take  the  first  part  of  this 
second  game;  the  guest  and  host  follow  them;  the  great 
officials  come  in  third,  and  the  common  guests  at  the  end. 
The  score  is  counted  in  two  ways.  First,  all  the  pairs  are 
generally  divided  into  right  and  left,  the  upper  and  the 
lower  archers,  and  the  accountant  finds  which  set  wins  more 
than  the  other.  Then  he  reports  which  is  the  better  set; 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


233 


if  two  sides  are  equal,  he  says  that  the  left  and  right  are 
equal.  Secondly,  the  game  is  counted  according  to  each 
individual  in  each  pair.  The  master  of  archery  gives  an 
order  that  all  the  winners  should  show  their  left  arms,  their 
bowstring  thimbles  and  armlets,  and  should  hold  the  bows 
strung;  that  all  those  who  are  defeated  should  cover  their 
left  arms,  take  off  their  thimbles  and  armlets,  leave  their 
bows  unstrung  and  hold  the  strip  of  bamboo  by  both  hands. 
The  victorious  partner  ascends  to  the  hall  a little  earlier 
than  the  defeated  partner;  the  latter  drinks  a cup  of  liquor 
as  a fine,  and  then  comes  down  a little  earlier  than  the 
former. 

In  the  third  part,  there  is  the  principal  game.  Every 
part  of  it  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  second  part;  the  only 
difference  is  the  using  of  music  for  the  regulation  of  the 
discharging  of  arrows.  The  same  notes  of  music  are  re- 
peated five  times  without  any  variation,  the  first  note  for 
the  preparation  of  the  archer,  and  the  others  for  the  dis- 
charging of  the  four  arrows.  If  any  arrow  is  not  in  har- 
mony with  the  music,  although  it  pierce  the  target,  it  is 
not  counted  as  a point. 

After  the  game  is  all  over,  the  ceremonies  are  like  those 
of  district-drinking.  The  guest  first  pledges  the  host,  and 
then  comes  the  general  pledging.  Then  the  feast  takes 
place ; there  is  no  limit  as  to  the  number  of  cups  to  be  drunk, 
nor  to  the  amount  of  music  to  be  played.  When  the  guests 
are  about  to  go  out,  music  is  being  played,  and  the  host 
escorts  them  out  of  the  door  and  bows. 

The  game  of  archery  was  the  national  game  of  ancient 
China.  It  was  practiced  by  every  man,  from  the  emperor 
to  the  common  people.  When  a boy  was  born,  a bow  was 
placed  on  the  left  of  the  door;  and  when  he  was  only  three 
days  old,  he  began  to  be  carried  for  the  shooting  of  six 
arrows.1  This  showed  that  archery  was  a necessary  pro- 
1 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  pp.  471-2. 


234  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

fession  for  any  boy.  Hence  it  is  one  of  the  six  arts  of 
Confucius.  If  a man  was  unable  to  take  part  in  this  game, 
it  was  a very  shameful  thing.  In  the  Canon  of  Rites, 
there  is  a book  entitled  the  “ Ceremonies  of  Great  Archery,” 
which  describes  the  game  participated  in  by  the  feudal 
princes  and  their  officials.  What  we  have  mentioned  above 
is  district-archery.  It  was  practiced  twice  a year,  in  the 
spring  and  autumn;  and  it  was  held  at  the  school-house  of 
a county.  But  it  might  be  practiced  at  any  time.  If  it  was 
at  a social  gathering,  it  was  called  social  archery.  District- 
archerv  and  great  archery  were  quite  similar  to  each  other, 
with  only  a little  modification.  For  our  purpose,  district- 
archery  should  be  given  because  it  was  much  more  popular 
than  the  other. 

There  is  a description  of  an  archery  meeting  that  Con- 
fucius directed.  When  he  takes  part  in  the  game  in  a vege- 
table garden  at  Kuo-hsiang,  the  lookers-on  surround  it  like 
a wall.  He  appoints  Tzu-lu  as  the  master  of  archery,  and 
orders  him  to  go  out  with  his  bow  and  arrows  to  introduce 
those  who  wish  to  shoot  and  to  see.  Tzu-lu  says  to  the 
crowd : “ The  general  of  a defeated  army,  the  great  official 
of  a fallen  state,  and  anyone  who  has  schemed  to  be  the 
successor  and  heir  of  another,  will  not  be  allowed  to  enter, 
but  the  rest  may  all  enter.”  Owing  to  this,  one  half  goes 
away,  and  the  other  half  enters.1  From  this  description, 
we  know  that  the  game  of  archery  can  be  held  at  any  place, 
and  that  it  may  be  participated  in  by  any  stranger.  This 
is  true  of  both  district-archery  and  social  archery.  Indeed, 
it  was  the  most  favored  and  popular  game. 

The  game  of  archery  is  very  useful.  First,  it  has  edu- 
cational value,  and  this  value  may  be  divided  into  two  parts. 
In  the  first  place,  it  is  a moral  education.  The  “ Prin- 
ciples of  Archery  ” says  : 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xliii,  pp.  449-450. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


235 


The  archers,  in  advancing,  retiring,  and  in  all  their  move- 
ments, are  required  to  observe  the  rules.  Internally,  the  mind 
is  correct ; and  externally  the  carriage  of  the  body  is  straight ; 
then  they  hold  their  bows  and  arrows  skilfully  and  firmly. 
When  they  do  so,  they  may  be  expected  to  hit  the  mark.  In 
this  way,  their  moral  characters  can  be  seen  from  their  archery.1 

Confucius  says : “ In  archery  we  have  something  like  the 
way  of  the  superior  man.  When  the  archer  misses  the 
center  of  the  target,  he  turns  around  and  seeks  for  the 
cause  of  his  failure  in  himself.”  2 He  says  again:  “To 
shoot  exactly  in  harmony  with  the  note  given  by  the  music, 
and  to  shoot  without  missing  the  center  of  the  target : — it 
is  only  the  archer  of  superior  virtue  who  can  do  this ! How 
shall  a man  of  inferior  character  be  able  to  hit  the  mark?”  3 
In  the  second  place,  it  is  a military  education.  In  ancient 
times,  archery  was  the  chief  art  of  war ; hence  it  was  neces- 
sary for  the  national  defence.  Archery  was  a great  cere- 
mony, and  required  men  of  great  vigor  and  strength  to  go 
through  with  it.  The  Record  of  Rites  says: 

[When  men  of  great  vigor  and  strength  are  about  to  engage 
in  archery],  though  the  liquor  is  clear  and  they  are  thirsty, 
they  do  not  venture  to  drink  it;  though  the  stalks  of  flesh  are 
dry  and  ready  to  their  hand,  and  they  are  hungry,  they  do  not 
venture  to  eat  them;  at  the  close  of  the  day,  when  they  are 
tired,  they  continue  to  maintain  a grave  and  correct  deport- 
ment. . . . Therefore,  such  men,  bold  and  daring,  full  of 
vigor  and  strength,  when  the  empire  is  at  peace,  employ  their 
gifts  in  the  exercise  of  propriety  and  righteousness ; and,  when 
there  is  trouble  in  the  empire,  employ  them  in  the  battlefield 
and  in  the  gaining  of  victory.4 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xliii,  p.  446. 

2 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  396. 

3 Li  Ki,  bk.  xliii,  p.  453. 

4 Ibid.,  bk.  xlv,  pp.  462-3. 


236  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

From  this  point  of  view,  this  part  of  the  educational  system 
of  Confucius  is  very  wonderful.  It  trains  the  body  as  well 
as  the  mind  and  the  character,  and  it  can  stand  in  time  of 
war  as  well  as  in  time  of  peace. 

Second,  it  has  a political  value.  In  ancient  times,  the 
emperor  used  archery  as  an  additional  test  for  selecting 
the  feudal  princes,  the  ministers,  the  great  officials,  and  the 
students.1  And  the  princes,  ministers,  and  great  officials  all 
selected  the  students  for  their  employment  in  the  same  way. 
In  fact,  archery  was  one  kind  of  civil  examination  through- 
out the  whole  political  life,  and  one  qualification  for  election. 

Third,  it  has  social  value.  District-archery  includes  the 
rite  of  district-drinking,  hence  gets  all  its  benefits.  It  fixes 
the  relation  between  seniors  and  juniors  in  good  order,  and 
makes  society  harmonious. 

Fourth,  it  has  economic  value.  In  the  first  place,  it  gives 
immaterial  pleasure,  (a)  There  is  the  social  pleasure  in  the 
gathering  of  different  classes  and  different  ages  of  men. 
(b)  There  is  the  physical  pleasure  in  the  exercise  of  the 
whole  body  for  the  whole  day.  (c)  There  is  the  pleasure 
in  winning  the  game,  by  showing  personal  qualities.  In 
the  second  place,  it  gives  material  pleasure,  (a)  There  is 
the  pleasure  of  drinking,  both  before  and  after  the  archery, 
(b)  There  is  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  music,  before,  dur- 
ing, and  after  the  game,  (c)  There  is  the  great  pleasure 
of  the  feast. 

Similar  to  the  game  of  archery,  there  is  the  rite  of  pitch- 
pot.  It  takes  place  in  the  middle  of  a feast  for  the  pleasure 
of  the  guests.  In  the  Record  of  Rites,  there  is  a book  de- 
scribing the  game,2  but  we  shall  give  only  a little  of  it. 
The  neck  of  the  pot  is  seven  inches  long;  its  belly,  five 
inches  long;  and  its  mouth  is  two  and  a half  inches  in 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xliii,  p.  448. 


2 Ibid.,  bk.  xxxvii,  pp.  397-401. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


237 


diameter.  It  is  filled  with  small  beans  to  prevent  the  arrows 
from  leaping  out.  Regarding  the  length  of  the  arrows,  if 
the  game  is  held  in  the  chamber,  it  is  two  cubits;  in  the 
hall,  two  cubits  and  eight  inches;  in  the  courtyard,  three 
cubits  and  six  inches.  The  size  of  the  arrows  is  one-seventh 
of  an  inch.  This  game  can  be  practiced  anywhere  accord- 
ing to  the  sunlight;  if  at  noon,  it  is  held  in  the  chamber; 
if  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  hall;  if  in  the  evening,  in  the 
courtyard.  In  all  three  places,  the  distance  of  the  pot  from 
the  players  is  equivalent  to  the  length  of  two  and  a half 
arrows ; that  is,  in  the  chamber,  five  cubits ; in  the  hall,  seven ; 
and  in  the  courtyard,  nine. 

The  partners  of  the  game  are  two ; and  there  are  as  many 
sets  of  partners  as  there  are  players.  The  party  of  the 
guests  is  in  the  right,  and  that  of  the  host  in  the  left.  Each 
partner  throws  four  arrows  in  each  part  of  the  game.  Its 
rules  are:  when  the  arrow  goes  straight  in,  it  is  reckoned 
an  entry ; when  it  is  not  thrown  according  to  the  alternation, 
it  is  not  reckoned.  During  the  game,  the  pitching  is  in 
harmony  with  music.  After  the  result  of  the  game  is  an- 
nounced, the  cup-bearers  of  the  successful  side  give  drink 
to  the  unsuccessful  side  as  a fine.  When  the  three  parts  of 
the  game  are  all  over,  the  superintendent  begs  to  set  up 
figures  of  horses  in  honor  of  the  victorious  party.  There 
are  three  horses,  one  for  each  part  of  the  game.  If  the 
side  wins  only  one  part  of  it,  it  should  give  up  its  one  horse 
to  the  stronger  side  to  unite  the  three  horses  for  the  cele- 
bration of  victory.  Then  the  defeated  partner  personally 
offers  drink  to  the  winning  partner  for  congratulation. 
After  it  is  over,  the  horses  are  removed,  and  the  feast  is 
in  order,  with  unlimited  drinking. 

IV.  PUBLIC  PARK  AND  HUNTING 

The  fourth  way  of  getting  pleasure  is  by  the  public  park 


238  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

system.  According  to  the  principle  of  the  Spring  and 
Autumn , the  proportion  of  the  ground  of  the  public  park 
to  the  total  territory  is  one  to  ten.  Based  on  the  theory  of 
Confucius,  the  territory  of  the  imperial  state  is  a thousand 
miles  square ; that  of  the  states  of  a duke  or  a marquis,  one 
hundred  miles  square:  that  of  the  state  of  an  earl,  seventy 
miles  square:  that  of  the  states  of  viscount  or  baron,  fifty 
miles  square.  Therefore,  the  area  of  the  park  of  the  em- 
peror is  one  hundred  miles  square;  that  of  a duke  or  a 
marquis,  ten;  that  of  an  earl,  seven;  that  of  a viscount  or 
a baron,  five.1  This  proportion  of  public  parks  is  quite 
sufficient  for  the  pleasure  both  of  the  rulers  and  of  the  people. 

When  Mencius  visits  King  Hui  of  Liang,  the  king  leads 
him  into  the  park,  and  stands  with  him  by  a pond.  Look- 
ing round  at  the  geese  and  deer,  he  asks  Mencius,  “ Do  wise 
and  good  rulers  also  find  pleasure  in  these  things?”  Men- 
cius replies : “ Being  wise  and  good,  they  may  have  pleasure 
in  these  things.  If  they  are  not  wise  and  good,  although 
they  have  these  things,  they  may  have  no  pleasure.”  To  il- 
lustrate the  two  cases,  Mencius  first  quotes  the  words  from 
the  Canon  of  Poetry  which  tell  about  the  park  of  Wen 
Wang.  Part  of  the  quotation  is  as  follows: 

When  the  king  is  in  the  Good  Park, 

The  does  are  lying  down, 

The  does  are  so  sleek  and  fat, 

And  the  white  birds  shine  glistening. 

When  the  king  is  by  the  Good  Pond, 

How  full  is  it  of  fishes  leaping  about ! 

Mencius  remarks : “ The  ancients  took  the  people  with  them 
for  participation  in  their  pleasure,  and  therefore  they  were 
enabled  to  have  pleasure.”  Contrary  to  this,  Mencius 
points  out,  that,  if  the  people  wish  their  ruler  to  die,  al- 
though the  ruler  may  have  towers,  ponds,  birds,  and  animals, 

1 Eighteenth  year  of  Duke  Ch'eng. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


239 


how  will  he  be  able  to  have  pleasure  alone?  1 Taking  peo- 
ple for  the  participation  of  pleasure  is  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  Confucianism,  and  it  determines  whether  or  no 
the  ruler  can  have  his  pleasure.  This  is  the  principle  of 
the  public  park  system. 

Wen  Wang  had  a park  of  seventy  miles  square,  and  yet 
his  people  looked  on  it  as  small;  King  Hsuan  of  Ch‘i  had  a 
park  only  of  forty  miles  square,  and  yet  his  people  looked 
on  it  as  large.  This  difference  is  explained  by  Mencius,  who 
says  that  the  park  of  Wen  Wang  was  open  to  the  people, 
and  that  of  King  Hsiian  was  kept  for  his  own  interest. 
Mencius  describes  the  system  of  the  park  of  Wen  Wang 
as  follows : The  grass-cutters  and  fuel-gatherers  have  the 
privilege  of  entrance  into  it,  and  so  also  have  the  catchers 
of  pheasants  and  hares.  Then  Mencius  says : “ He  shared 
it  with  the  people,  and  was  it  not  with  reason  that  they 
looked  on  it  as  small?”  The  park  of  Wen  Wang  is  an  ex- 
ample of  the  public  park  system.2  In  a word,  a park 
should  be  shared  with  the  people. 

Included  with  the  park  system,  is  the  system  of  hunting, 
and  this  is  also  a source  of  pleasure.  The  public  park  is 
very  large,  outside  of  the  city,  and  it  has  forests  and  wild 
animals ; hence  it  can  be  used  as  a hunting  ground.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Spring  and  Autumn  3 and  the  “ Royal  Re- 
gulations,” 4 the  emperor  and  the  princes  have  three  hunt- 
ings in  every  year,  when  they  have  no  special  business  in 
hand.  The  three  huntings  are  in  spring,  in  autumn,  and 
in  winter.  The  game  of  the  first  grade  furnishes  dried 
flesh  for  the  sacrificial  dishes ; that  of  the  second  grade  is 
for  the  entertainment  of  guests  and  visitors ; and  that  of 
the  third  grade  is  to  supply  the  kitchen  of  the  rulers.  These 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  127-9. 

3 Fourth  year  of  Duke  Huan. 


3 Ibid,.,  pp.  153-4. 

4 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  220. 


240  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


are  not  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  wealth,  but  serve  only 
as  regulations  of  the  hunt.  Besides  the  three  grades  of 
games,  a hunting  can  also  kill  wild  animals  for  the  benefit 
of  the  farms,  and  it  can  practice  the  art  of  war.  These  are 
the  grounds  on  which  Confucius  approves  hunting. 

In  primitive  life,  hunting  is  production ; but  in  civilized 
life,  hunting  is  often  consumption,  because  it  gives  a psychic 
pleasure,  greater  than  that  given  by  the  game  killed.  When 
Mencius  talks  about  pleasure  with  King  Hsiian  of  Ch‘i,  he 
mentions  only  two  things, — music  and  hunting.  So  he  con- 
siders hunting  a great  source  of  pleasure.  But,  when  a 
ruler  does  not  share  his  pleasure  with  the  people,  they  feel 
his  hunting  bad ; and  when  he  shares  his  pleasure  with  them, 
they  feel  his  hunting  good.  The  conclusion  again  is  that  a 
ruler  must  share  his  pleasure  with  the  people.1 

According  to  the  system  of  Confucius,  the  common  people 
have  hunting  as  well  as  the  emperor,  the  prince  and  the 
great  officials.  There  were  catchers  of  pheasants  and  hares 
in  the  park  of  Wen  Wang.  By  the  “ Royal  Regulations,” 
the  hunting  of  the  common  people  is  held  during  the  winter. 
In  the  Canon  of  Poetry,  two  of  the  poems  of  Ch‘i  tell  about 
the  hunting  of  the  common  people.2  In  fact,  the  people 
just  as  their  rulers,  ought  to  have  pleasure. 

Though  Confucius  allows  the  rulers  and  people  to  have 
their  pleasure  in  hunting,  he  does  not  allow  them  to  have 
excessive  pleasure.  The  second  and  the  eighth  of  the  poems 
of  Ch‘i  just  referred  to  are  directed  against  the  inordinate 
love  of  hunting.  The  Canon  of  History  says : *'  Wen  Wang 
did  not  dare  to  go  to  any  excess  in  his  excursions  or  his 
hunting.”  3 Mencius  quotes  the  words  from  An  Tzu  that 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  150-153. 

2 Ibid.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  pp.  131-2,  158. 

3 Ibid.,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  p.  469. 


DIFFERENT  WAYS  OF  GETTING  PLEASURE 


241 


pursuing  the  chase  without  satiety  is  called  being  wild.1 
Therefore,  Confucius  forbids  hunting  in  summer  time,  and 
gives  many  rules  in  the  “ Royal  Regulations.”  In  short, 
Confucius  prescribes  always  the  happy  medium;  he  ap- 
proves social  institutions  as  safety-valves  for  human  pas- 
sions, but  he  establishes  regulations  to  control  them.  This 
is  the  doctrine  of  the  golden  mean. 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  160. 


CHAPTER  XV 


General  Standard  of  Expenditure 

I.  HAPPY  MEDIUM  BETWEEN  PARSIMONY  AND  EX- 
TRAVAGANCE 

The  principles  of  Confucius  always  seek  the  golden  mean, 
and  this  is  especially  true  as  regards  consumption.  There 
is  only  one  proper  way,  neither  parsimony  nor  extravagance. 
Confucius  says: 

Kuan  Chung  had  carving  on  the  square  vessels  for  holding 
the  grain  of  his  offerings,  and  red  ornaments  for  his  cap ; he 
set  up  a screen  where  he  lodged  on  the  way,  and  had  a stand 
of  earth  on  which  the  cups  he  had  used  in  giving  a feast  were 
replaced ; he  had  hills  carved  on  the  capitals  of  his  pillars,  and 
pondweed  on  the  lower  pillars  supporting  the  rafters.  He  was 
a worthy  great  official,  but  made  it  difficult  for  his  superiors 
to  distinguish  themselves  from  him.  An  Ping-chung,  in  sac- 
rificing to  his  father  and  other  progenitors,  used  a sucking- 
pig,  even  with  its  shoulders  not  large  enough  to  cover  the 
dish.  He  was  a worthy  great  official,  but  made  it  difficult  for 
his  inferiors  to  distinguish  themselves  from  him.  A superior 
man  will  not  encroach  on  the  observances  of  those  above  him, 
nor  put  difficulties  in  the  way  of  those  below  him.1 

Kuan  Chung  is  the  representative  of  extravagance,  and  An 
Ping-chung  of  parsimony.  They  both  depart  from  the  rule 
of  moderation,  and  both  are  condemned  by  Confucius. 

Confucius  says : “ The  rites  should  be  most  carefully  con- 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xviii,  p.  165. 

242 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


243 


sidered.  Rites  are  different;  they  are  the  standards  above 
which  it  is  too  much  and  below  which  it  is  too  little.”  1 
Hence,  consumption  should  not  be  too  great;  if  so,  it  is  ex- 
travagant. Nor  should  it  be  too  little;  if  so,  it  is  parsi- 
monious. Both  are  against  the  principle  of  rites. 

Confucius  gives  an  example  to  represent  the  proper  way 
of  spending.  He  says : 

I can  find  no  flaw  in  the  character  of  Yii.  He  himself  used 
coarse  food  and  drink,  but  displayed  the  utmost  filial  piety 
toward  the  spirits.  His  ordinary  garments  were  poor,  but  he 
displayed  the  utmost  elegance  in  his  sacrificial  cap  and  apron. 
He  lived  in  low,  mean  houses,  but  expended  all  his  strength 
on  ditches  and  water-channels.  I can  find  nothing  like  a flaw 
in  Yii.2 

Food,  clothes,  shelter,  are  the  three  necessities  of  life.  Con- 
fucius takes  them  to  test  the  character  of  Yii,  and  their 
standard  is  low.  Yet  Confucius  applauds  it.  However, 
when  he  judges  Yii  from  the  viewpoint  of  social  expendi- 
ture, such  as  religious  sacrifices  and  public  works,  he  praises 
his  liberal  spending.  From  this  example,  we  see  that 
when  one  spends  money  for  his  individual  interest,  he 
should  be  frugal,  and  that  when  it  is  for  the  social  interest, 
he  should  be  liberal. 

II.  EVILS  OF  LUXURY  AND  EXTRAVAGANCE 

Speaking  generally  of  the  evils  of  luxury  and  extrava- 
gance, Confucius  sums  them  up  in  a single  word — in- 
jurious. He  says:  “There  are  three  things  that  men  find 
enjoyment  in  which  are  injurious  ...  To  find  enjoyment 
in  extravagant  pleasure;  to  find  enjoyment  in  luxurious  ex- 
cursions; to  find  enjoyment  in  the  pleasure  of  disorderly 
feasting: — these  are  injurious.”  3 

1 Cf.  Li  Ki,  bk.  viii,  p.  401. 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  215.  3 Ibid.,  pp.  311-2. 


244 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


In  the  Canon  of  History,  there  is  a book  entitled  “Against 
Luxury.”  It  thus  pictures  luxurious  people:  “When  the 
parents  have  diligently  labored  in  sowing  and  reaping,  their 
sons  often  do  not  understand  this  painful  toil,  and  abandon 
themselves  to  luxury  and  pleasure,  and  become  quite  dis- 
orderly, without  any  rule.  They  cast  contempt  on  their 
parents,  saying,  ‘ Those  old  people  have  heard  nothing  and 
know  nothing.’  ” Then  it  criticizes  the  emperors  of  the 
later  generations  of  the  Yin  dynasty,  and  says:  “From 
their  birth  enjoying  luxury,  they  did  not  understand  the 
painful  toil  of  sowing  and  reaping,  nor  hear  of  the  hard 
labors  of  the  inferior  people.  They  only  sought  after  ex- 
cessive pleasures,  and  so  not  one  of  them  enjoyed  the  throne 
for  a long  period.”  It  gives  many  good  emperors  as  ex- 
amples, who  were  all  diligent  and  did  not  dare  to  indulge 
in  luxurious  ease.  The  most  conspicuous  example  is  Wen 
Wang.  It  says: 

Wen  Wang  dressed  meanly  and  gave  himself  to  the  work  of 
settlement  and  to  that  of  husbandry.  . . . From  morning  to 
mid-day  and  from  mid-day  to  sundown,  he  did  not  allow  him- 
self time  to  eat;  thus  seeking  to  secure  the  universal  harmony 
of  the  myriads  of  the  people.  Wen  Wang  did  not  dare  to  go 
to  any  excess  in  his  excursions  or  his  hunting,  but  carefully 
devoted  his  attention  to  the  work  of  government  only. 

The  conclusion  is  that  all  the  succeeding  emperors  shall  not 
indulge  themselves  to  excess  in  drinking  and  in  the  luxury 
of  excursions  and  hunting. 

This  book  is  directed  against  luxury;  but  it  does  not  go 
to  the  extreme,  and  allows  a reasonable  luxury.  In  the  very 
beginning  of  the  book,  it  says : “ The  officials  shall  not  live 
the  life  of  luxury.  But,  after  they  have  first  understood  the 
painful  toil  of  sowing  and  reaping,  they  may  then  be  al- 
lowed luxury;  and  thus  they  can  understand  the  suffering 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


245 


of  the  inferior  people.”  1 Wang  Chung  (578-648,  or  27-97 
A.  D. ) explains  this  principle  by  saying  that  the  muscle  and 
bones  of  a man  are  not  like  wood  and  stone,  and  that  they 
cannot  get  along  without  some  reasonable  indulgence.  This 
is  the  principle  of  Confucius,  when  he  talks  about  the  drink- 
ing in  the  festival  of  Cha.2 

The  evils  of  luxury  and  extravagance  are  frequently  con- 
demned in  the  Spring  and  Autumn.  The  chief  object  of 
condemnation  is  the  work  of  building,  because  it  is  expen- 
sive and  lays  the  heaviest  burden  upon  the  people.  For  in- 
stance, in  the  twenty-third  year  of  Duke  Chuang,  it  records 
that  the  pillars  of  Duke  Huan’s  temple  were  painted  red. 
This  was  a usurpation  of  the  right  of  the  emperor,  because 
the  legitimate  color  of  the  pillars  of  a prince  is  black.  In 
the  following  year,  it  records  the  carving  of  the  rafters  of 
Duke  Huan’s  temple.  This  is  worse  than  before,  because 
it  requires  more  labor  than  painting. 

The  reason  Confucius  always  takes  the  work  of  building 
to  illustrate  his  condemnations  of  extravagance  is  because 
it  hurt  the  people  to  a great  extent,  besides  taking  much 
money.  In  ancient  times,  there  was  no  slavery,  and  all  con- 
structive works  were  done  by  forced  labor.  When  the 
princes  were  extravagant,  the  people  were  compelled  to  give 
painful  labor  in  order  to  satisfy  the  wants  of  the  princes. 
Or,  at  least,  the  people  must  have  paid  more  taxes.  Of 
course,  Confucius  does  not  want  to  sacrifice  the  labor  and 
money  of  the  people  for  the  personal  gratification  of  the 
princes.  This  is  the  reason  he  condemns  extravagance  in 
buildings.  However,  after  forced  labor  was  abolished,  the 
condition  of  the  people  was  quite  different.  But  the  Chinese 
did  not  understand  the  idea  of  Confucius  very  well,  and 
clung  to  the  old  custom  concerning  buildings,  because  they 


1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii.  pp.  464-470. 


2 Cf.  supra,  p.  230. 


246  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


were  afraid  of  being  condemned  as  extravagant.  This  ex- 
plains why  the  Chinese  buildings  are,  in  general,  inferior. 

Besides  the  extravagance  of  building,  the  Spring  and 
Autumn  condemns  all  other  extravagance.  For  the  con- 
demnation of  extravagance  in  general,  the  Spring  and  Au- 
tumn records  the  fire  of  the  altar  of  Poh  in  the  fourth  year 
of  Duke  Ai.  The  altar  of  Poh  represented  the  ruined 
dynasty  of  Yin,  and  it  was  placed  outside  the  gate  leading 
to  the  ancestral  temple  in  all  the  feudal  states  to  serve  as  a 
warning  to  the  princes  to  guard  against  the  calamity  of 
losing  their  states.  According  to  the  Many  Dewdrops  of 
the  Spring  and  Autumn ,l  Chou,  the  last  emperor  of  the  Yin 
dynasty,  is  the  strongest  example  of  extravagance.  His 
foods,  drinks,  clothes,  buildings,  parks,  animals,  different 
kinds  of  art,  colors,  forms,  music  and  women,  were  all  of 
the  most  luxurious  and  extravagant.  But  his  empire  was 
lost,  and  his  head  was  cut  off.  This  was  the  punishment  of 
extravagance.  Recording  the  fire  of  the  altar  of  Poh,  Con- 
fucius gives  a warning  against  the  danger  of  luxury  and 
extravagance.  Since  it  can  ruin  even  an  emperor  and  an 
empire,  how  much  more  easily  will  it  ruin  an  ordinary  man 
or  an  ordinary  family? 

However,  Confucius  condemns  the  evils  of  luxury  and 
extravagance  on  social,  as  well  as  economic,  grounds.  In 
the  third  book  of  the  Analects , there  are  many  chapters 
about  this  point.  Picking  out  the  most  conspicuous  chap- 
ters, we  may  classify  them  into  two  parts.  First,  we  may 
take  up  the  usurpation  of  the  class  of  great  officials.  In  the 
first  chapter,  Confucius  condemned  the  head  of  the  Chi 
family,  because  he  usurped  the  right  of  emperor  and  had 
eight  rows  of  pantomimes  in  his  area.  Confucius  said : “ If 
this  be  allowed,  whatever  else  may  not  be  allowed?”  In 


1 Bk.  vi. 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


247 


the  sixth  chapter,  Confucius  condemned  him  again,  because 
he  usurped  the  right  of  princes  and  sacrificed  to  the  Tai 
Mountain.  In  the  second  chapter,  Confucius  censured  the 
three  families — the  Chi  family,  the  Chungsun,  and  the  Shu- 
sun — because  they  used  the  song  of  the  emperor  at  the  con- 
clusion of  sacrifice.  In  the  twenty-second  chapter,  Con- 
fucius censured  Kuan  Chung  on  the  ground  that  he  mar- 
ried three  girls  and  had  many  officers  performing  separate 
duties,  and  that  he  had  a screen  at  his  gate  and  had  a stand 
for  the  returning  of  cups.  Those  things  belong  to  the  class 
of  princes,  but  Kuan  Chung  usurped  them.  Second,  we 
may  take  up  the  usurpation  of  the  class  of  princes.  In  the 
tenth  chapter,  Confucius  condemned  the  prince  of  Lu  who 
performed  the  great  sacrifice  which  belongs  to  the  emperor 
only. 

In  all  cases,  Confucius  regards  this  from  the  social  point 
of  view.  But,  at  the  same  time,  it  is  an  economic  prin- 
ciple. Since  Confucius  regulates  consumption  according  to 
the  social  order,  if  any  class  usurps  the  right  of  a higher 
one,  it  is  a social  usurpation  on  the  one  hand,  but  it  is  also 
an  economic  extravagance  on  the  other.  Usurpation  and 
extravagance  are  the  same  thing,  and  the  difference  comes 
only  from  the  differing  view-points. 

1.  Principles  of  Simplicity  and  Moderation 

Preventing  the  tendency  to  luxury  and  extravagance 
there  is  the  principle  of  simplicity,  which  is  illustrated  in 
the  ceremonies  of  sacrifices.  The  Record  of  Rites  says: 

Admirable  as  are  the  spirits  and  sweet  spirits,  a higher  value 
is  attached  to  the  dark  spirit  and  the  bright  water,1 — in  order 
to  honor  that  which  is  the  source  of  the  five  flavors.  Beau- 
tiful as  is  the  elegant  embroidery  of  robes,  a higher  value  is 

1 Dark  spirit  and  bright  water  both  are  simply  the  pure  spring  water. 


248  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

set  on  plain,  coarse  cloth, — going  back  to  the  commencement 
of  woman’s  work.  Inviting  as  is  the  rest  afforded  by  the  mats 
of  fine  rushes  and  bamboos,  the  preference  is  given  to  the 
coarse  ones  of  reeds  and  straw, — distinguishing  the  sacrifice 
to  God.  The  “ grand  soup  ” is  unseasoned, — in  honor  of  its 
simplicity.  The  “ grand  symbols  of  jade  ” have  no  engraving 
on  them, — in  admiration  of  their  simple  plainness.  There  is 
the  beauty  of  the  red  varnish  and  carved  border  of  a car- 
riage, but  a plain  one  is  used  for  riding, — doing  honor  to  its 
plainness.1 

All  these  things,  of  course,  are  for  some  religious  reason. 
But,  fundamentally,  there  is  an  economic  reason.  As 
pointed  out  by  Ssu-ma  Chien,  they  are  used  for  the  preven- 
tion of  luxury,  and  for  the  remedy  of  decay.2 

In  the  Canon  of  Changes,  there  is  a book  entitled  “ Dimi- 
nution ”,  which  illustrates  the  principle  of  moderation.  It 
says:  “If  there  be  sincerity  in  the  method  of  diminution, 
. . . even  in  sacrifice,  only  two  baskets  of  grain  may  be 
presented.  But  these  two  baskets  ought  to  be  offered  at 
the  fitting  time.  . . . Diminution  and  increase,  overflow- 
ing and  emptiness : — these  take  place  in  harmony  with  the 
conditions  of  the  time.”  This  means  the  cutting  down  of 
expenditure  at  the  proper  time,  and  the  two  baskets  stand 
only  as  an  illustration.  Sincerity  is  worthier  than  material 
things ; and  yet  material  things  should  not  be  diminished  at 
all  times.  This  is  the  principle  of  moderation,  and  it  is  not 
parsimony.  But,  how  can  we  be  moderate?  Bearing  on 
this  question,  this  Canon  suggests  the  term,  “ repressing 
wants  ”.3  If  we  have  ethical  control  over  economic  wants, 
we  shall  be  moderate  in  a proper  way. 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ix,  pp.  435-6. 

1 Historical  Record,  ch.  xxiii. 

8 Yi  King,  pp.  246,  317. 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


249 


III.  EVILS  OF  PARSIMONY 

Confucius’  system  is  an  advanced  civilization,  and  not  a 
primitive  doctrine.  Therefore,  in  his  theory  of  economics, 
he  does  not  put  too  much  emphasis  on  frugality.  On  the 
contrary,  he  sets  a check  against  the  excess  of  frugality.  In 
the  Canon  of  Poetry,  he  gives  the  first  poem  of  the  nation 
of  Wei  for  the  condemnation  of  extreme  parsimony  in  the 
higher  class.1 

Once  again,  Confucius  sets  forth  the  first  two  poems  of 
the  nation  of  Tang  for  the  condemnation  of  extreme  parsi- 
mony. The  first  one  has  three  stanzas,  all  of  which  express 
practically  the  same  thing,  though  in  a rising  scale.  The 
first  is  as  follows : 

The  cricket  is  in  the  hall, 

And  the  year  is  drawing  to  a close. 

If  we  do  not  enjoy  ourselves  now, 

The  days  and  months  will  be  leaving  us. 

But  let  us  not  go  to  great  excess ; 

Let  us  first  think  of  the  duties  of  our  position. 

Let  us  not  be  wild  in  our  love  of  enjoyment. 

The  good  man  is  anxiously  thoughtful.2 

The  second  one  also  has  three  stanzas,  one  of  which  we 
here  quote: 

On  the  mountains  are  the  thorny  elms, 

In  the  low  wet  grounds  are  the  white  elms. 

You  have  suits  of  robes, 
out  you  will  not  wear  them ; 

You  have  carriages  and  horses, 

But  you  will  not  drive  them. 

You  will  drop  off  in  death, 

And  another  person  will  enjoy  them.3 

1 This  poem  is  given  supra,  p.  154. 

1 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  p.  174. 

3 Ibid.,  p.  176. 


250  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

All  these  poems  emphasize  the  same  principle,  and  are 
arranged  by  Confucius  in  a most  conspicuous  place,  as 
representing  the  spirit  of  the  two  nations.  The  poem  of 
Wei  is  expressly  against  narrow-mindedness.  The  two 
poems  of  Tang  are  in  encouragement  of  the  enjoyment  of 
things.  When  the  first  of  these  two  considers  the  passing 
away  of  time,  it  looks  only  at  the  present  day;  but  when 
the  last  one  assumes  the  taking  away  of  ownership  by  an- 
other person,  it  shares  in  the  sadness  of  the  future.  The 
first  one  thinks  of  duty,  but  the  last  one  only  of  pleasure. 
Yet  Confucius  takes  them  all  for  the  indication  of  his  eco- 
nomic principle  against  niggardliness.  In  fact,  consump- 
tion is  the  end  of  economics,  and  production  is  only  its 
means ; if  man  does  not  consume  in  a moderate  way  what 
he  produces,  he  will  destroy  the  object  of  production,  and 
there  can  be  no  economic  progress. 

Moreover,  if  extreme  parsimoniousness  is  the  general 
spirit  of  a nation,  besides  these  economic  defects  there  will 
be  many  defects  of  an  ethical  and  social  nature.  When  the 
people  are  stingy,  their  minds  are  narrow,  their  natures 
cruel,  their  characters  mean ; their  ambition  amounts  to  noth- 
ing; their  lives  are  unhappy  ; they  have  no  generosity  in 
social  relations,  and  social  conditions  are  unpleasant. 

i.  Principles  of  Aesthetics 

Confucius  lays  much  emphasis  on  moral  duties,  and  yet 
he  does  not  entirely  leave  out  material  enjoyments.  He  has 
a sense  of  beauty,  and  suggests  aesthetic  principles  for  con- 
sumption. Unfortunately,  since  the  Sung  dynasty,  the  Con- 
fucians  pay  too  much  attention  to  internal  character,  and 
neglect  almost  entirely  external  well-being.  They  care  only 
for  the  mind  or  heart,  and  not  for  the  body ; only  for  what 
is  good,  and  not  for  what  is  beautiful.  They  narrow  Con- 
fucianism into  a sect  like  Puritanism.  Hence,  Chinese  ma- 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


2 51 


terial  development  has  been  retarded.  But  we  must  go  back 
to  Confucius  himself,  and  see  how  he  cared  for  the  aesthetic. 
For  this  purpose  we  may  distinguish  three  forms  of  con- 
sumption: (i)  food;  (2)  clothes,  and  (3)  dwellings. 

First,  let  us  consider  the  foods  which  were  consumed 
by  Confucius.  The  Analects  tells  us: 

He  does  not  dislike  to  have  his  rice  finely  cleaned,  nor  to  have 
his  minced  meat  cut  quite  small.  He  does  not  eat  rice  which 
has  been  injured  by  heat  or  damp  and  turned  sour,  nor  fish  or 
flesh  which  has  been  spoiled.  He  does  not  eat  what  is  discolored, 
or  what  is  of  a bad  flavor,  nor  anything  which  is  ill-cooked, 
or  is  not  in  season.  He  does  not  eat  meat  which  is  not  cut 
properly,  nor  that  which  is  served  without  its  proper  sauce. 
Though  there  might  be  a large  quantity  of  meat,  he  does  not 
allow  what  he  takes  to  exceed  the  due  proportion  for  the  rice. 
It  is  only  in  wine  that  he  lays  down  no  limit  for  himself,  but 
he  does  not  allow  himself  to  be  confused  by  it  He  does  not 
partake  of  wine  and  dried  meat  brought  in  the  market.  He 
is  never  without  ginger  when  he  eats.  He  does  not  eat  too 
much.1 

From  this  description,  we  can  imagine  how  careful  Con- 
fucius was  about  the  consumption  of  his  food. 

In  the  Record  of  Rites,  there  is  a book  entitled  the  “Pat- 
tern of  the  Family”;  and  we  may  say  that  it  is  a sort  of 
domestic  science,  or  economy  of  the  household.  It  gives 
many  details  about  the  foods  and  the  art  of  cooking.  We 
may  take  a few  passages  from  it  as  examples : 

Of  grain  food,  there  are  millet,  the  glutinous  rice,  rice,  maize, 
the  white  millet,  and  the  yellow  maize,  which  are  cut  when 
ripe,  or  when  green. 

Of  prepared  meats,  there  are  beef  soup,  mutton  soup,  pork 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  232-3. 


252  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

soup,  and  roast  beef ; pickle,  slices  of  beef,  pickle  and  minced 
beef;  roast  mutton,  slices  of  mutton,  pickle,  and  roast  pork; 
Dickie,  slices  of  pork,  mustard  sauce,  and  minced  fish ; pheas- 
ant, hare,  quail,  and  partridge. 

Of  drinks,  there  is  must  in  two  vessels,  one  strained,  the 

other  unstrained,  made  of  rice,  of  millet,  or  of  maize.  In 

some  cases,  either  the  gruel  is  fermented  for  one  night,  as 
the  must,  or  simply  as  millet  gruel.  There  are  four  more 
kinds  of  drink — soup  of  rice,  pure  water,  syrup  of  prunes, 

and  cold  broth  mixed  with  different  grains  and  fruits. 

Of  wines,  there  are  clear  wine  and  white  wines. 

Of  confections,  there  are  dried  cakes,  and  rice-flour  scones. 

For  relishes,  snail-juice  and  a condiment  of  the  broad- 
leaved water-squash  are  used  with  pheasant  soup ; a condiment 
of  wheat  with  soups  of  dried  slices  and  of  fowl ; broken  glu- 
tinous rice  with  dog  soup  and  hare  soup ; the  rice-balls  mixed 
with  these  soups  have  no  smart-weed  in  them.  A sucking-pig 
is  stewed,  wrapped  up  in  sonchus  leaves  and  stuffed  with 
smart-weed ; a fowl,  with  the  same  stuffing,  and  along  with 
pickle  sauce;  a fish,  with  the  same  stuffing  and  egg  sauce;  a 
tortoise,  with  the  same  stuffing  and  pickle  sauce.  For  meat 
spiced  and  dried,  the  brine  of  ants  is  placed ; for  soup  made  of 
sliced  meat,  that  of  hare ; for  a ragout  of  elk,  that  of  fish ; for 
minced  fish,  mustard  sauce;  for  raw  elk  flesh,  pickle  sauce; 
for  preserved  peaches  and  plums,  egg-like  suet.1 

It  is  not  necessary  for  the  common  people  to  possess  all 
these  articles  of  food.  It  is  simply  that,  if  they  have  such 
things,  they  ought  to  use  them  according  to  these  rules. 
For  religious  worship,  social  entertainment,  and  the  nour- 
ishment of  parents,  these  are  domestic  arts  for  the  women 
to  learn.  There  are  many  rules,  but  we  shall  quote  only 
one  more : 

For  the  art  of  baking,  take  a sucking-pig  or  a young  ram. 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  pp.  459-60. 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


253 


Having  cut  it  open  and  removed  the  entrails,  fill  the  belly  with 
dates.  Wrap  it  round  with  straw  and  reeds,  which  are  plas- 
tered with  clay;  and  then  bake  it.  When  the  ciay  becomes  all 
dry,  break  it  off.  Having  washed  the  hands  for  the  manipula- 
tion, the  crackling  is  removed,  and  it  is  macerated  with  rice- 
flour,  so  as  to  form  a kind  of  gruel  which  is  added  to  the  pig. 
Then  the  whole  is  fried  in  such  a quantity  of  melted  fat  as 
to  cover  it.  In  the  middle  of  a large  pan  of  hot  water,  place 
a small  tripod,  which  is  filled  with  fragrant  herbs  and  the 
slices  of  the  creature  which  is  being  prepared.  Care  must  be 
taken  that  the  hot  water  does  not  cover  this  tripod,  and  that 
the  fire  has  no  intermission  for  three  days  and  nights. 
After  this,  the  whole  is  served  with  the  addition  of  pickled 
meat  and  vinegar.1 

From  these  passages,  we  can  see  how  beautiful  and  in- 
tricate Chinese  cooking  was,  even  at  the  time  of  Confucius. 
It  is  no  wonder  that  Chinese  food  is  the  best  in  the  world. 

Second,  let  us  consider  the  clothes  of  Confucius.  The 
Analects  tells  us : 

The  superior  man  [Confucius]  does  not  use  a deep  purple,  or 
a puce  color,  in  the  ornaments  of  his  dress.  Even  in  his  negli- 
gee, he  does  not  wear  anything  of  a red  or  reddish  color.  In 
warm  weather,  he  has  a single  garment  of  either  coarse  or 
fine  texture,  but  he  wears  it  displayed  over  an  inner  garment. 
Over  lamb’s  fur  he  wears  a garment  of  black ; over  fawn’s 
fur,  one  of  white;  and  over  fox’s  fur,  one  of  yellow.  The 
fur  robe  of  his  negligee  is  long,  with  the  right  sleeve  short. 
He  requires  his  sleeping  dress  to  be  half  again  as  long  as  his 
trunk.  Staying  at  home,  he  uses  thick  furs  of  the  fox  or  the 
badger.  When  he  puts  off  mourning,  he  wears  all  the  ap- 
pendages of  the  girdle.  His  lower  garment,  except  when  it  is 
required  to  be  of  the  curtain  shape,  is  made  of  silk  cut  narrow 
above  and  wide  below.  He  does  not  wear  lamb’s  fur  or  a 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  pp.  468-9. 


254 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


black  cap,  on  a visit  of  condolence.  On  the  first  day  of  a 
month,  he  puts  on  his  court  robes  and  presents  himself  at 
court.  When  fasting,  he  requires  his  underwear  to  be  brightly 
clean  and  made  of  linen  cloth.1 

Here  we  get  some  idea  about  the  dress  of  Confucius.  It  is 
timely,  and  most  suitable  in  color,  style  and  combination. 

The  theory  of  dress  of  Confucius  is  to  make  the  clothes 
the  symbols  of  personality.  Hence  they  must  have  colors 
for  distinction,  and  the  colors  must  be  classified  according 
to  the  social  orders.  The  Canon  of  History  says : “ God 
graciously  appoints  the  virtuous; — are  there  not  the  five 
habiliments,  and  the  five  decorations  belonging  to  them?  ” 2 
According  to  Confucius’  theory,  all  the  officers  should  be 
virtuous,  and  should  be  awarded  decorations  according  to 
their  virtue.  Thus,  the  decorations  of  the  emperor  are  of 
yellow  fowl,  white  tigers,  red  flames,  and  green  dragons, 
all  upon  a black  background.  Those  of  a marquis  are  the 
same  as  those  of  the  emperor,  leaving  out  the  yellow  fowl. 
The  viscount  or  baron  has  only  the  white  tigers,  the  red 
flames,  and  the  green  dragons.  The  decorations  of  the 
great  officials  consist  of  only  the  red  flames  and  the  green 
dragons,  while  the  decoration  of  the  student  is  only  the 
green  dragons. 

According  to  the  Canon  of  History,  the  dress  of  the  em- 
peror is  something  like  this : All  his  upper  and  lower  gar- 
ments are  made  of  fine  embroidered  cloth.  They  all  have 
the  embroidery  of  (i)  the  drawing  lines,  (2)  the  grains 
of  rice,  (3)  the  combination  of  white  and  black,  and  (4) 
the  combination  of  black  and  green.  But,  while  the  lower 
garment  has  only  these  four  kinds  of  embroidery,  the  upper 
one  has  five  kinds  more,  namely,  as  mentioned  above,  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  230-232. 


1 Ibid.,  vol.  iii,  pt.  i,  p.  74- 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


255 


green  dragons,  the  yellow  fowl,  the  white  tigers,  the  red 
flames,  and  the  black  color  of  the  garment  itself.  The 
Canon  of  History  says : “ Take  the  five  colored  silk  threads, 
and  apply  them  brilliantly  to  the  five  colors  which  are  drawn 
for  the  base  of  embroidery,  in  order  to  make  clothes.”  1 

One  sees  that  the  costume  of  Confucius’  system  is  by 
no  means  simple.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  intricate  and  very 
beautiful,  and  has  social  value.  It  is  the  mark  of  personal 
distinction,  hence  it  inspires  the  people  to  do  good  and 
guards  them  against  falling  into  disgrace.  It  is  used  as  a 
means  of  reward  and  punishment  of  society.  There  is  no 
plain  dress,  except  at  the  time  of  mourning,  during  a bad 
year,  and  for  receiving  punishment.  For  example,  a cap 
of  white  silk  with  edging  of  silk  rough  and  plain,  and  with 
strings  hanging  down  five  inches,  serves  to  mark  the  idle 
and  listless  student ; a dark-colored  cap  with  a roll  of  white 
silk  marks  exclusion  from  society.2 

In  civilized  society,  human  wants  go  beyond  the  bare 
necessities ; hence  clothes  are  required  not  only  for  warmth, 
but  also  for  display  and  beauty.  Confucius  is  not  like 
Buddha,  whose  system  of  dress  is  like  that  of  a mourner. 
Nor  does  Confucius  resemble  Jesus,  under  whose  church 
the  dress  of  monk  and  nun  is  also  very  simple.  The  reli- 
gion of  Confucius  is  in  the  world,  and  does  not  seclude  itself ; 
this  is  the  explanation  of  the  whole  thing. 

Under  the  system  of  Confucius,  even  for  the  dress  of  a 
boy  under  twenty  years  old,  there  are  regulations.  The 
Record  of  Rites  tells  us : “ His  upper  garment  is  of  black 
linen,  with  an  embroidered  edging.  His  sash  is  embroid- 
ered, and  also  the  strings  for  the  button-loops  of  his  girdle. 
With  such  a string  he  binds  up  his  hair.  All  the  embroid- 


1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  i,  p.  80. 

3 Li  Ki,  bk.  xi,  pp.  g-io. 


256  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


ered  border  and  strings  are  red.”  1 This  is  for  his  decor- 
ation. But  he  should  not  wear  furs,  nor  should  he  wear 
jacket  or  trousers  of  silk,  because  both  are  too  warm  for 
children.2  For  the  convenience  of  doing  service,  he  should 
not  wear  the  lower  garment.3  And  because  he  has  not  come 
to  maturity,  he  should  not  wear  the  ornamental  points  on 
his  shoes.4 

There  are  many  details  about  dress  in  the  Record  of 
Rites,  but  we  shall  not  go  into  them.  The  only  other  thing 
we  care  to  mention  is  the  “ long  dress.”  It  is  the  most 
simple  and  most  common  dress  of  the  Confucian  system. 
It  can  be  worn  on  all  occasions,  by  both  sexes,  and  by  all 
classes,  from  the  emperor  to  the  common  people.  It  is  next 
only  to  the  court  and  sacrificial  robes.  It  is  lasting  and 
not  expensive,  and  yet  it  has  an  ornamental  border.  Its 
details  are  given  in  a small  book  entitled  the  “Long  Dress.”  5 
In  fact,  Confucius  has  given  a complete  system  about  the 
dress  of  the  head,  the  feet,  and  the  whole  body.  So  far 
as  their  dress  is  concerned,  the  Chinese  all  say  that  their 
costume  is  most  genteel  and  comfortable. 

Third,  let  us  consider  dwellings.  Unfortunately,  we 
cannot  find  any  description  of  the  house  of  Confucius.  The 
only  thing  we  know  is  that  the  present  temple  of  Con- 
fucius is  his  old  house,  which  was  also  occupied  by  his 
pupils.  As  his  house  was  at  the  same  time  a school- 
building, and  his  pupils  were  very  numerous,  such  a house 
must  have  been  very  large.  His  school-house  has  been 
called  by  the  name  of  Apricot  Arena,  so  it  must  have  pre- 
sented a very  beautiful  scene  with  the  apricot  flowers.  Its 
situation  was  good,  as  we  can  see  at  the  present  day. 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xi,  pp.  19-20. 

3 Ibid.,  bk.  x,  p.  478. 

5 Ibid.,  bk.  xxxvi,  pp.  395-6. 


3 Ibid.,  p.  20. 

4 Ibid.,  bk.  xi,  p.  20. 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


257 


While  we  have  no  description  of  his  own  house,  we  still 
can  get  his  ideas  about  buildings  from  his  writings.  In  the 
Canon  of  Poetry,  there  is  a poem  praising  Hstian  Wang 
(276-231  B.  K.  or  827-782  B.  C.),  who  built  a new  palace 
according  to  the  principle  of  frugality.  Frugality  is  the 
essential  of  this  poem,  and  yet  it  gives  the  sense  of  beauty. 
We  shall  quote  a few  lines  about  this  palace. 

Like  a mart  on  tip-toe,  in  reverent  expectation, 

Like  an  arrow,  flying  rapidly, 

Like  a bird  which  has  changed  its  feathers, 

Like  a pheasant  on  flying  wings, 

Is  the  hall  which  our  noble  lord  will  ascend. 

Level  and  smooth  is  the  court-yard. 

And  lofty  are  the  pillars  around  it. 

Pleasant  is  the  exposure  of  the  chamber  to  the  light, 

And  deep  and  wide  are  its  recesses. 

Here  will  our  noble  lord  repose.1 

This  poem  about  the  palace  shows  in  the  first  stanza  how 
magnificent  and  conspicuous  is  the  hall,  and  in  the  second, 
how  grand  and  lovely  the  private  apartment. 

Scattered  throughout  the  Canon  of  Rites  is  the  description 
of  a house  which  is  about  the  same  as  the  ancestral  temple. 
It  was  an  old  custom,  adopted  by  Confucius.  The  Chinese 
house  to-day  still  seems  somewhat  similar  to  this.  Such  a 
system  was  common  to  all  classes,  from  the  emperor  to  the 
student,  the  difference  being  only  in  size  and  details.  Let 
us  now  consider  the  house  of  the  student. 

Imagine  an  oblong  space  enclosed  by  four  brick  walls. 
In  the  front,  or  southern  wall,  (a  house  must  always  face 
the  south),  is  the  “external  entrance.”  Some  distance  be- 
hind it  is  a second  wall,  in  the  center  of  which  is  the  “ main 
entrance.”  Both  entrances  are  roofed  over,  with  oblong 


1 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  305. 


258  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

buildings,  running  east  and  west,  on  each  side,  each  build- 
ing divided  into  two  lobbies,  one  within,  one  without,  the 
entrance.  The  house  proper,  about  square  in  outline,  is 
situated  well  toward  the  back  of  this  enclosed  space.  It 
consists  of  a great  hall  and  behind  it  three  apartments. 

The  great  hall  stretches  clear  across  the  front  of  the 
house,  its  front  open,  having  two  pillars  instead  of  a divid- 
ing wall,  one  at  the  east,  one  at  the  west.  This  great 
hall  is  approached  by  two  flights  of  steps,  one  toward  the 
east,  one  toward  the  west.  At  the  center  of  the  northern 
wall  of  the  hall,  between  a door  on  the  east  leading  into  the 
apartment  behind  and  a window  on  the  west,  is  the  honor- 
able place  for  guests.  The  east  and  west  ends  of  the  hall 
are  partitioned  off  into  long,  narrow  “ assistant  apartments.” 

Behind  the  great  hall  is  the  “ principal  apartment,”  used 
as  a business  office.  At  each  side  of  this  is  a chamber. 
The  northern  half  of  the  “ eastern  chamber  ” is  called  the 
“ northern  hall.”  It  has  an  open  front  in  the  north,  and 
it  is  for  the  exercising  of  ceremony  by  the  ladies.  The 
“ western  chamber  ” stores  the  valuable  things.  The  whole 
house  proper  is  covered  by  a peaked  roof  made  of  tile, 
sloping  to  back  and  front. 

Behind  the  house  proper  are  the  “ private  apartment  ” 
for  eating  and  sleeping,  and  several  small  buildings  for  the 
children,  or  perhaps  for  a son  and  his  family.  In  the  homes 
of  those  of  higher  rank,  this  third  and  back  part  may  be 
expanded  indefinitely. 

The  open  space  in  front  of  the  house  proper  is  the  court, 
which  is  usually  three  times  the  length  of  the  hall. 

The  house  of  the  common  people  is  similar  to  that  of  the 
student.  The  only  great  differences  are  that  it  has  only 
one  entrance,  without  lobbies  in  its  two  sides,  and  that  the 
court  is  only  as  long  as  the  hall.  It  has  not  the  “ private 
apartment  ”,  and  the  principal  apartment  is  used  for  eating, 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE 


259 


sleeping,  etc.  Besides  these,  there  is  no  great  difference 
in  the  house  proper.  In  fact,  according  to  the  economic 
principles  of  Confucius,  there  is  no  pauper;  and  even  the 
lowest  people  must  have  for  their  houses  plenty  of  sun- 
light and  good  air. 

The  most  beautiful  building  in  the  Confucian  system  is 
the  “ Brilliant  Hall.”  The  Many  Dewdrops  of  the  Spring 
and  Autumn  says:  “ The  Brilliant  Hall  is  round;  its  build- 
ing is  high,  imposing,  magnificent  and  round.”  1 Accord- 
ing to  Elder  Tai’s  Record  of  Rites,  the  Brilliant  Hall  has 
nine  apartments  in  all.  Each  apartment  has  four  doors  and 
eight  windows;  in  the  whole  hall,  there  are  thirty-six  doors 
and  seventy-two  windows.  The  roof  is  covered  with  grass, 
to  symbolize  cleanliness.  The  upper  part  is  round,  the  lower 
part  square.  It  is  surrounded  by  a round  body  of  water.2 
This  is  the  most  important  building  for  all  great  exercises 
of  the  emperor : to  worship  God  together  with  the  founder 
of  the  dynasty,  and  to  observe  many  other  important  cere- 
monies. 

IV.  CHOICE  BETWEEN  PARSIMONY  AND  EXTRAVAGANCE 

If  we  are  obliged  to  choose  either  extravagance  or  par- 
simony, however,  which  one  is  preferable?  When  Lin 
Fang  asks  Confucius  what  the  essential  of  rites  is,  Con- 
fucius replies : “ In  festive  rites,  it  is  better  to  be  sparing 
than  extravagant.”  3 This  statement  is  clear  enough  to 
show  his  opinion  in  favor  of  parsimony.  Again,  Confucius 
says : “ Extravagance  leads  to  insubordination,  and  parsi- 
mony to  meanness.  It  is  better  to  be  mean  than  to  be  in- 
subordinate.” 4 Therefore,  we  are  sure  that,  if  one  can- 
not act  in  the  proper  way,  Confucius  would  prefer  parsi- 
mony rather  than  extravagance. 


1 Bk.  xxiii. 

3 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  155. 


2 Bk.  lxvi. 

4 Ibid.,  p.  20 7. 


26o  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


V.  SOCIAL  STANDARD  OF  LIVING 
i.  General  Survey 

We  have  discussed  above  the  doctrine  of  rites,  and  have 
seen  how  the  standard  of  living  enters  into  the  Confucian 
system.  We  must  now  study  it  especially  and  definitely. 
In  every  age  and  every  place,  there  must  be  different  stand- 
ards among  different  classes,  and  this  holds  in  the  teachings 
of  Confucius.  Since  there  are  five  classes,  as  we  know, 
there  are  five  standards, — that  is,  those  of  the  emperor,  the 
princes,  the  great  officials,  the  students  and  the  common 
people.  But,  on  some  occasions,  the  standard  of  the  prince 
may  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  emperor,  that  of  the  great 
official  as  that  of  the  prince,  and  so  on  down. 

We  must  keep  in  mind  that  social  standards  have  a great 
influence  upon  the  economic  life,  in  addition  to  marking  so- 
cial distinctions.  They  make  everyone  satisfy  his  wants 
according  to  the  standard  of  his  class.  They  help  to  make 
the  wealth  that  is  produced  suffice  for  the  needs  of  con- 
sumers. They  stimulate  everyone  to  do  his  best  in  produc- 
tion for  the  sake  of  raising  himself  to  a higher  class. 
Therefore,  Confucius  prescribes  the  different  standards  for 
the  different  classes. 

Take  religious  expense,  for  example.  The  “ Royal  Regu- 
lations ” says : 

In  sacrificing  at  the  altars  to  the  spirits  of  the  land  and  grain, 
the  emperor  uses  in  each  case  a bull,  a ram  and  a boar ; the 
princes,  only  a ram  and  a boar.  The  great  officials  and  stu- 
dents, at  the  sacrifices  in  their  ancestral  temples,  if  they  have 
land,  observe  the  full  ceremonies  of  regular  sacrifice;  and,  if 
they  have  no  land,  they  simply  present  their  offering,  [that  is, 
the  great  official  offers  a lamb,  and  the  student  a sucking-pig]. 
The  common  people,  in  the  spring,  offer  scallions;  in  summer, 
wheat ; in  autumn,  millet ; and  in  winter,  rice.  The  scallions 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE  26l 

are  set  forth  with  eggs ; the  wheat  with  fish ; the  millet  with 
a sucking-pig;  and  the  rice  with  a goose.1 

This  represents  the  standards  of  their  worship;  and  it  is 
somewhat  according  to  their  means. 

Let  us  take  their  foods  for  another  example.  When  there 
is  any  occasion,  the  emperor  and  prince  may  kill  an  ox; 
the  great  official,  a sheep;  the  student,  a dog  or  a pig;  and 
the  common  people  may  eat  delicate  food.  But,  among  all 
of  them,  nobody  should  do  so  simply  to  satisfy  his  appetite 
and  without  any  other  reason.2 

The  “ Pattern  of  the  Family  ” says: 

The  cupboards  of  the  emperor  are  five  in  the  assistant  apart- 
ment to  the  left,  and  another  five  in  that  to  the  right;  those  of 
dukes,  marquises,  and  earls  are  also  five,  but  all  in  one  cham- 
ber; those  of  great  officials  are  three  in  the  assistant  apart- 
ment; and  the  students  have  only  one  on  their  buffet.3 

It  does  not  speak  about  the  number  of  cupboards  of  the 
common  people,  but  it  may  be  understood  that  it  is  equal 
to  that  of  the  students. 

The  ancient  Chinese  liked  to  have  a large  area  for  a house, 
rather  than  many  stories.  Hence  the  standard  of  a house 
is  generally  measured  by  its  size  instead  of  its  height.  And 
yet  there  is  a rule  to  regulate  the  height  of  a house.  Such 
a rule  is  illustrated  in  the  steps  of  a hall.  According  to  the 
Record,  of  Rites,  the  hall  of  the  emperor  has  nine  steps, 
each  of  one  cubit,  that  is,  it  is  nine  cubits  higher  than  the 
ground;  that  of  the  prince,  seven;  that  of  the  great  official, 
five ; and  that  of  the  student,  three.4  The  text  does  not  say 

1 Cf.  Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  226. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  227,  and  bk.  xi,  p.  4. 

5 Ibid.,  bk.  x,  p.  464. 

4 Ibid.,  bk.  viii,  p.  400. 


262  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


how  high  the  hall  of  common  people  should  be;  but,  judg- 
ing from  what  has  been  described  above,  and  drawing  au- 
thority from  Chia  Yi  and  modern  scholars,  the  hall  of  the 
common  people  must  have  one  step,  that  is,  be  one  cubit 
higher  than  the  ground.  Here  we  get  some  idea  about  the 
standard  for  their  dwelling. 

The  Chinese  have  a peculiar  index  of  social  status;  that  is, 
the  use  of  jade.  The  reason  the  Chinese  set  a high  value  on 
jade  is  explained  by  Confucius.  His  full  explanation  is 
given  in  the  Record  of  Rites,1  but  it  can  be  summed  up  in 
one  line — jade  has  all  the  qualities  which  are  similar  to 
the  virtues  of  a gentleman.  The  same  book  tells  us : 

All  the  girdles  must  have  the  pendant  of  jade,  except  during 
the  mourning  only.  At  the  end  of  the  middle  string  is  the 
tooth-like  piece,  colliding  with  the  others.  Without  some  sad 
cause,  a gentleman  will  never  let  the  jade  leave  his  person; 
he  regards  the  pieces  of  jade  as  emblematic  of  the  virtues 
which  he  should  cultivate. 

The  pendant  of  the  emperor  is  composed  of  beads  of  white 
jade,  hung  on  dark-colored  strings;  that  of  a duke  or  marquis, 
of  jade-beads  of  hill-azure,  on  vermilion  strings;  that  of  a 
great  official,  of  beads  of  aqua-marine,  on  black  strings;  that 
of  an  heir-son,  of  beads  of  yii  jade,  on  variegated  strings; 
that  of  a student,  of  beads  of  jade-like  quartz,  on  orange- 
colored  strings.  As  for  Confucius,  he  sometimes  wears  at  his 
pendant  an  ivory  ring,  five  inches  round,  on  variegated 
strings.2 

These  are  the  different  standards  in  connection  with  the  use 
of  jade  for  pendants,  and  this  is  a good  example  of  the  signi- 
ficance ascribed  to  ornaments. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xlv,  pp.  463-4. 

2 Ibid.,  bk.  xi,  p.  19. 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE  263 

2.  Standard  of  the  Class  of  the  Great  Officials 

We  are  not  much  interested  in  the  standard  of  living 
of  the  emperor  and  princes,  but  we  are  interested  in  that  of 
the  great  officials,  because  they  are  of  the  middle  class.  In 
the  Record  of  Rites,  there  is  a passage  telling  about  the 
daily  life  of  great  officials,  which  may  be  taken  as  a descrip- 
tion of  the  higher  standard  of  living.  It  says : 

A gentleman  washes  his  hands  five  times  a day.  He  uses 
millet-water  in  washing  his  head,  and  maize-water  in  washing 
his  face.  For  his  hair,  when  wet  he  uses  a comb  of  white- 
grained wood,  and  an  ivory  comb  for  it  when  dry.  After  his 
toilet,  there  are  brought  to  him  the  usual  sup  of  wine  and  some 
delicacy ; and  the  musicians  come  up  the  raised  hall  and  sing. 
In  bathing  he  uses  two  towels ; a fine  one  for  the  upper  part 
of  his  body,  and  a coarser  one  for  the  lower  part.  When  he 
gets  out  of  the  tub,  he  steps  on  a straw  mat;  and  having 
washed  his  feet  again  with  hot  water,  he  steps  on  the  rush 
one.  Then  in  his  bathing  robe  of  cloth,  he  dries  his  body 
again,  and  puts  on  his  shoes ; and  a drink  is  then  brought  to 
him.1 

Confucius  once  belonged  to  the  class  of  great  officials, 
and,  when  he  lost  his  position,  he  belonged  to  the  class  of 
students.  But,  after  he  was  called  back  to  his  state,  he  re- 
ceived his  old  title  as  a retired  official,  although  he  did  not 
take  the  actual  position.  Therefore,  he  kept  the  standard 
of  living  of  a great  official.  When  Yen  Yuan  died,  Yuan’s 
father  asked  Confucius  to  sell  his  carriage  in  order  to  get 
an  outer  shell  for  the  coffin  of  Yuan  ; but  Confucius  refused 
to  do  so.  He  referred  to  the  fact  that,  when  his  own  son 
died,  he  did  not  give  up  the  carriage  to  get  an  outer  shell 
for  him.  He  said : “ It  is  because  that,  having  belonged 
to  the  class  of  great  officials,  it  is  not  proper  for  me  to 


1 Li  Ki,  biz.  xi,  p.  5. 


264  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

walk  on  foot.”  From  this  instance,  we  can  see  how  care- 
ful Confucius  was  to  maintain  his  standard  of  living.  Of 
course,  this  is  a little  more  social  than  economic;  but 
it  is  a very  good  example  of  the  attention  Confucius  paid 
to  the  standard  of  living. 

3.  Standard  of  the  Class  of  Students 

In  the  “ Pattern  of  the  Family,”  there  are  many  details 
of  daily  life,  and  they  are  essentially  common  to  all  classes. 
We  may  select  some  details  in  order  to  represent  the  stand- 
ard of  the  class  of  students.  This  class  is  very  important, 
because  their  living  is  similar  to  that  of  common  people. 
Although  the  common  people  may  not  observe  those  rules 
as  fully  as  the  students,  the  rules  are  nevertheless  the  pat- 
tern of  the  people  to  whom  the  following  lessons  are  taught. 

When  the  sons  serve  their  parents,  on  the  first  crowing  of 
the  cock,  they  all  wash  their  faces  and  rinse  their  mouths, 
comb  their  hair,  draw  over  it  the  covering  of  silk,  fix  this  with 
the  hair-pin,  bind  the  hair  at  the  roots  with  the  fillet,  brush 
the  dust  from  the  hair-tufts  hanging  over  the  forehead,  and 
then  put  on  their  caps,  leaving  the  ends  of  the  strings  hang- 
ing down.  They  then  put  on  their  square  black  robes,  knee- 
covers,  and  girdles,  fixing  in  the  last  their  tablets.  From  the 
left  and  right  of  the  girdle  they  hang  their  articles  for  use: — 
on  the  left  side,  the  duster  made  of  a handkerchief,  the  knife 
and  whetstone,  the  small  ivory  spike  for  the  opening  of  knots, 
and  the  metal  speculum  for  getting  fire  from  the  sun ; on  the 
right,  the  archer’s  thimble  for  the  thumb,  and  the  armlet,  the 
tube  for  writing  instruments,  the  knife-case,  the  larger  spike, 
and  the  borer  for  getting  fire  from  wood.  Finally,  they  put 
on  their  leggings,  and  adjust  their  shoe-strings. 

This  description  seems  to  have  too  many  details,  but  it 
gives  a very  good  picture  of  the  young  men  in  ancient 
times.  When  the  young  women  serve  their  parents  or 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE  265 

parents-in-law,  they  dress  like  these  young  men,  with  this 
difference:  they  wear  the  square  black  silk  robes,  also  with 
girdles;  leaving  out  such  articles  as  the  thimble  and  arm- 
let,  the  tube  and  knife-case,  they  hang  the  needle-case,  thread 
and  floss,  all  bestowed  in  the  satchel;  then  they  fasten  their 
necklaces  which  serve  as  bags  for  perfume. 

When  the  young  men  and  young  women  have  thus 
dressed,  they  go  to  their  parents  and  parents-in-law,  and 
care  for  them  in  every  way.  They  ask  whether  they  want 
anything,  and  then  respectfully  bring  it.  They  bring  to 
their  parents  gruel,  thick  or  thin,  spirit  or  must,  soup  of 
vegetables,  beans,  wheat,  spinach,  rice,  millet,  maize,  and 
glutinous  millet, — whatever  they  wish,  in  fact;  and  their 
parents  are  also  furnished  with  dates,  chestnuts,  sugar  and 
honey,  to  sweeten  their  dishes;  with  the  ordinary  or  the 
large-leaved  violets,  leaves  of  elm-trees,  fresh  or  dry,  and 
the  most  soothing  rice-water  to  lubricate  them;  and  with  fat 
and  oil  to  enrich  them.  Waiting  till  the  parents  have 
tasted  them,  the  young  people  may  withdraw. 

As  to  the  younger  boys  and  girls,  they  do  not  take  the 
full  dress  of  young  men  and  young  women,  but  they  all 
use  necklaces  as  ornamental  bags  of  perfume.  At  day- 
break, they  begin  to  pay  their  respects  to  their  parents — 
later,  however,  than  their  older  brothers  and  sisters.  Their 
duty  is  to  do  the  small  services  for  their  parents. 

All  the  members  living  in  the  inner  and  outer  parts  of 
the  house,  at  the  first  crowing  of  the  cock,  should  wash 
their  faces  and  mouths,  put  on  their  dresses,  gather  up 
their  pillows  and  fine  mats,  sprinkle  and  sweep  out  the  apart- 
ments, hall,  and  courtyard,  and  spread  the  mats — each  doing 
his  proper  work.  After  sunrise,  each  attends  to  his  special 
business. 

Besides  the  old  parents  who  are  treated  especially  well, 
the  children  also  receive  favorable  treatment.  They  go 


266  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


earlier  to  bed,  and  get  up  later.  Everything  is  ready  ac- 
cording to  what  they  want ; there  is  no  fixed  time  for  their 
meals.  Whenever  the  parents  leave  something  after  their 
eating,  although  the  sons  and  their  wives  may  finish  the 
remainder,  the  sweet,  soft,  and  oily  things  are  specially  for 
the  children.1  This  example  is  given  to  illustrate  the  prin- 
ciple of  “ loving  the  young  ”. 

4.  Standard  of  the  Common  People 
The  most  important  of  all  is  the  standard  of  living  of  the 
common  people.  Of  course,  the  living  of  the  common  peo- 
ple must  be  simple,  and  we  cannot  expect  to  have  many  de- 
tails about  it  in  the  Confucian  system.  Under  the  system 
of  tsing  tien,  however,  they  enjoy  a very  good  living,  and 
their  standard  is  thus  summed  up  by  Mencius : 

Around  the  house  of  five  acres,  the  space  beneath  the  walls  is 
planted  with  mulberry  trees,  with  which  the  woman  nourishes 
silkworms,  and  thus  the  old  are  able  to  have  silk  to  wear. 
Each  family  has  five  brood  hens  and  two  brood  sows,  which 
are  kept  to  their  breeding  seasons,  and  thus  the  old  are  able 
to  have  flesh  to  eat.  The  husbandman  cultivates  his  farm 
of  one  hundred  acres,  and  thus  his  family  of  eight  mouths  are 
secured  against  hunger. 

According  to  Mencius,  the  people  of  fifty  years  old  cannot 
be  kept  warm  without  silk,  and  those  of  seventy  cannot  be 
satisfied  without  flesh.  If  they  are  not  kept  warm  by  silk, 
or  not  satisfied  by  flesh,  it  is  said  that  they  are  starved  and 
famished.2  Therefore,  the  silk  for  dress  and  flesh  for  food 
are  not  the  luxuries  of  the  old,  but  their  necessities.  From 
this  point  of  view,  we  may  say  that  the  standard  of  the 
common  people  is  by  no  means  low. 

1 Li  tCi,  bk.  x,  pp.  449-453. 

s Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  461-2. 


GENERAL  STANDARD  OF  EXPENDITURE  267 

“ Nourishing  the  old  ” is  a special  principle  of  Confucius, 
and  it  raises  the  standard  of  living.  According  to  the 
“Royal  Regulations,”  for  those  of  fifty,  the  grain  is  fine 
and  different  from  that  used  by  the  younger  people.  For 
those  of  sixty,  flesh  is  kept  in  store  waiting  for  their  order 
at  any  time.  For  those  of  seventy,  there  is  a second  service 
of  savory  meat.  For  those  of  eighty,  there  is  a constant 
supply  of  delicacies.  For  those  of  ninety,  food  and  drink 
are  never  out  of  their  chamber;  wherever  they  wander  to 
another  place,  it  is  required  that  savory  meat  and  drink 
should  accompany  them.1  There  is  a strict  rule  that 
the  old  of  the  common  people  should  not  eat  their  meal 
without  flesh.2  Therefore,  the  standard  of  the  common 
people  is  kept  up  by  the  old,  and  it  can  never  be  lowered. 

According  to  the  tsing  ticn  system,  however,  although 
the  persons  fifty  years  old  may  be  clothed  with  silk,  and 
those  of  seventy  may  eat  flesh,  nothing  is  said  about  those 
who  are  younger  than  fifty  or  seventy  years.  We  may  sup- 
pose that  the  young  people  cannot  consume  such  things  in 
daily  life,  and  that  they  are  especially  given  to  the  old,  be- 
cause the  productive  power  of  ancient  times  was  very 
limited. 

What  we  have  described  of  the  standard  of  common  peo- 
ple, however,  is  mixed  up  with  the  theoretical  points  of 
Confucius.  But  we  want  to  know  the  actual  condition  of 
the  people  at  that  time.  There  is  a valuable  state- 
ment given  by  Li  Iv‘o,3  the  pupil  of  Tzu-hsia,  and  the  min- 
ister of  Marquis  Wen  of  Wei  (128-165  A.  K.  or  424-387 
B.  C.),  indicating  exactly  the  economic  condition  of  the 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  240. 

3 Ibid.,  p.  244,  and  bk.  x,  p.  462. 

3 His  name  is  correctly  recorded  in  the  Historical  Record  (chs.  xxx 
and  cxxix)  and  in  the  History  of  Han  (ch.  xci).  But  the  latter  makes 
a mistake  in  ch.  xxiv,  where  his  name  is  given  as  Li  Kuei. 


268  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


fanners.  Since  Li  K‘o  lived  shortly  after  Confucius,  but 
much  earlier  than  Mencius,  his  statement  probably  shows 
the  facts  of  Confucius’  age.  He  says : 

Now,  one  man,  having  five  mouths  in  all,  cultivates  the  land 
of  one  hundred  acres.  He  reaps  annually  from  each  acre  one 
bushel  and  a half  of  grain ; the  total  amount  is  one  hundred 
and  fifty  bushels.  Subtracting  fifteen  bushels  for  the  taxa- 
tion of  one-tenth,  there  remain  one  hundred  and  thirty-five 
bushels.  For  food,  each  person  consumes  one  bushel  and  a 
half  monthly;  five  persons  consume  ninety  bushels  for  the 
whole  year.  There  remain  forty-five  bushels.  One  bushel  is 
worth  thirty  coins ; the  total  value  is  one  thousand  three  hun- 
dred fifty  coins.  Subtracting  three  hundred  coins  for  the  ex- 
pense of  social  gathering  and  religious  worship,  there  remain 
one  thousand  fifty  coins.  For  clothing,  each  person  spends 
three  hundred  coins  on  the  average ; five  persons  spend  one 
thousand  five  hundred  for  the  whole  year.  There  is  a de- 
ficit of  four  hundred  fifty.  If  they  are  so  unlucky  as  to  have 
expense  for  sickness  and  funeral,  or  for  the  extra  impositions 
of  government,  such  expenditure  still  has  not  been  included 
in  this  account.1 

This  statement  gives  a statistical  view  of  the  unhappy 
condition  of  farmers,  and  is  the  most  reliable  information 
which  we  now  have.  Since  agriculture  was  the  principal 
occupation  of  the  ancient  Chinese,  the  economic  condition 
of  the  whole  people  must  have  been  very  bad.  Hence  Li  K‘o 
introduced  his  famous  system  of  equalizing  the  price  of 
grain  for  their  relief.2  Such  a bad  condition  was  probably 
not  confined  to  the  state  of  Li  K‘o,  but  prevailed  over  the 
whole  empire.  It  is  no  wonder  that  Confucius  devotes  his 
attention  first  to  the  economic  life  of  the  people. 

1 History  of  Han,  ch.  xxiv. 

2 See  infra. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


Particular  Expenditures 

Although  the  standard  of  living  may  include  all  kinds 
of  expenditures,  we  prefer  to  discuss  some  particular  ex- 
penditures separately,  in  order  to  show  the  characteristics 
of  Confucius’  system.  These  expenditures  are:  the  expendi- 
ture for  a marriage,  the  expenditure  for  a funeral  and 
mourning,  the  expenditure  for  ancestor-worship,  and  the 
expenditure  for  social  intercourse.  The  theories  of  these 
expenditures  are  extremely  complex;  they  are  not  only 
economic,  but  also  sociological,  political,  philosophical, 
ethical  and  religious.  Of  course,  we  are  most  interested 
in  the  economic  aspect.  But,  as  we  are  studying  the  system 
of  Confucius,  we  have  to  consider  many  other  aspects  which 
are  peculiar  to  Confucius  and  are  correlative  to  economics. 

I.  MARRIAGE 

First,  we  shall  discuss  the  expenditure  for  a marriage. 
Since  Confucius  makes  marriage  a necessity  of  human  life, 
he  reduces  its  expense  to  the  minimum.  According  to  the 
Canon  of  Rites,  there  are  six  rites  for  marriage.  After  the 
family  of  the  girl  has  accepted  the  proposal,  the  first  rite  is 
“ giving  a choice”  to  her  father;  the  second  is  “ inquiring 
into  the  name  ” of  the  girl.  These  two  rites  are  consum- 
mated at  one  time.  The  third  is  “ giving  the  lucky  re- 
sult ” of  divination;  the  fourth  is  “ giving  engagement;” 
the  fifth  is  first  “ asking  about  the  date  ” of  the  wedding, 
and  then  announcing  it.  All  these  five  rites  are  performed 
by  a proxy  sent  by  the  father  of  the  bridegroom.  The  sixth 

269 


2jo  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

rite  is  “ personal  receiving,”  an  act  of  the  bridegroom  him- 
self. 

The  rite  of  “ giving  engagement  ” is  performed  by  the 
use  of  a bundle  of  silk  and  two  pieces  of  the  fur  of  a deer. 
The  bundle  of  silk  contains  five  rolls;  each  roll  is  folded 
double,  and  is  forty  cubits  in  length.1  Three  rolls  are  black, 
and  the  other  two  crimson.  The  two  pieces  of  deer’s  fur 
can  be  used  for  dress.  Besides  “ giving  engagement,”  the 
other  five  rites  are  all  performed  by  the  use  of  a domestic 
goose  for  a present.  This  token  is  intended  to  represent 
the  regularity  and  faithfulness  of  the  relation  of  husband 
and  wife.  Requiring  only  five  geese,  five  rolls  of  silk  and 
two  pieces  of  deer’s  fur,  this  ceremony  of  marriage  is  inex- 
pensive. Of  course,  the  expense  of  an  American  marriage 
can  cut  down  to  even  less  than  this,  but,  according  to  Con- 
fucius’ system,  this  is  the  lowest  limit. 

In  the  Canon  of  Poetry,  there  is  a poem  written  by  a 
heroic  girl.  She  has  promised  to  marry  a man  of  Feng, 
but  his  family  wants  to  receive  her  before  the  rites  of  mar- 
riage are  completed.  She  refuses  to  allow  them  to  do  so,  on 
the  ground  that  marriage  is  a most  sacred  thing  and  can- 
not be  consummated  without  the  full  observance  of  rites. 
His  family  prosecutes  her  and  causes  her  to  be  brought  to 
court.  But  she  insists  that,  if  one  single  thing  has  not 
been  presented,  and  one  single  rite  has  not  been  completed, 
she  will  not  leave  her  home  even  if  she  sacrifices  her  life. 
Her  poem  runs  as  follows : “ Although  you  have  brought 
me  to  court,  your  offerings  for  the  rites  of  marriage  are  not 
sufficient.”  It  says  again : “ Although  you  have  brought 
me  by  prosecution,  I will  not  follow  you.”  2 

By  selecting  this  poem  in  his  Canon  for  an  example  of  a 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xviii,  p.  172. 

5 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  pp.  27-8. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


271 


marriage  that  is  good,  not  only  morally,  but  also  legally, 
Confucius  shows  that  he  does  not  approve  of  allowing  peo- 
ple to  marry  without  going  through  the  six  rites,  on  the 
pretense  that  they  have  not  the  means.  Indeed,  he  regulates 
the  relation  of  husband  and  wife  very  carefully  in  the  be- 
ginning, and  does  not  make  marriage  too  easy  for  the  young 
couple. 

Although  Confucius  does  not  make  marriage  too  easy,  he 
makes  it  as  simple  as  possible.  He  is  most  fond  of  music, 
and  employs  it  for  all  fortunate  occasions;  yet  he  omits 
music  from  the  ceremonies  of  marriage.  Confucius  says  : 

The  family  whose  daughter  is  married,  does  not  extinguish  its 
candles  for  three  nights,  thinking  of  the  separation  that  has 
taken  place.  The  family  that  has  received  the  bride,  for  three 
days  has  no  music ; the  bridegroom  is  thinking  that  he  is  about 
to  take  the  place  of  his  parents.1 

According  to  this  expression,  marriage  is  not  a gay  cere- 
mony, but  a solemn  business  through  which  the  son  as- 
sumes responsibilities  of  his  own  and  feels  that  his  parents 
are  getting  older.  It  should  be  quiet  and  sober.  Therefore, 
the  Record  of  Rites  says  that  at  the  marriage  ceremony, 
music  is  not  employed,  and  that  there  is  no  congratulation  on 
marriage.2 

Confucius  limits  the  expense  of  marriage  to  a minimum, 
but  he  cannot  help  making  the  feast  necessary.  Since  he 
separates  the  two  sexes  very  severely,  he  must  not  allow  the 
new  couple  to  keep  so  quiet  as  not  to  give  a conspicuous 
notice  to  society.  In  order  to  mark  the  new  relation  be- 
tween bride  and  bridegroom,  a feast  is  necessary  to  notify 
the  public.  The  Record  of  Rites  says:  “The  bridegroom 
should  make  a feast  and  invite  the  people  of  the  town  and 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  v,  p.  322. 


1 Ibid.,  bk.  ix,  p.  442. 


2J2 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


his  friends  to  attend  it,  in  order  to  give  its  due  importance 
to  the  separate  position  of  man  and  woman.”  1 Of  course, 
this  feast  must  cost  something,  but  its  expense  cannot  be 
saved  because  it  has  social  and  ethical  value. 

As  the  feast  must  necessarily  be  given  by  the  bridegroom 
to  his  townsmen  and  his  friends,  although  there  is  to  be  no 
congratulation,  the  guests  cannot  simply  attend  the  feast 
without  any  social  obligation.  Hence  the  congratulation 
takes  place  under  another  name.  It  is  not  said  to  be  a con- 
gratulation upon  the  marriage,  but  only  a present  for  the 
entertainment  of  the  guests.  The  language  used  by  the  mes- 
senger for  such  a congratulation  is  given  by  the  “ Details 
of  Rites:”  “So-and-so  has  sent  me.  Having  heard  that 
you  are  having  guests,  he  has  sent  me  with  this  present.”  2 
Such  a present  may  consist  of  four  pots  of  spirits,  ten 
pieces  of  dried  meat,  and  a dog.3  Although  it  may  not  be 
too  expensive,  it  will  yet  cost  a family  a good  deal.  As  mar- 
riage is  necessary  in  the  social  life,  this  expenditure  is  also 
necessary.  In  the  present  day,  however,  such  a congratula- 
tion is  directly  expressed  for  the  happiness  of  the  wedding, 
and  not  for  the  gathering  of  the  guests. 

To-day,  the  Chinese  still  observe  these  rites  of  marriage 
in  their  essentials.  But  they  increase  the  expense  greatly. 
It  would  be  much  better  to  return  to  the  rules  of  Confucius, 
and  make  marriage  again  simple  and  economical. 

II.  FUNERALS 

Second,  we  shall  study  the  expenditure  for  the  rites  of  a 
funeral  and  mourning.  This  is  the  most  important  point 
in  the  religion  of  Confucius,  and  we  cannot  help  discussing 
it  at  some  length.  We  shall  take  up  certain  details  first, 
and  discuss  the  theory  later. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  p.  78.  2 Ibid.  5 Ibid.,  bk.  xv.  p.  76. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


273 


At  the  ceremony  of  “ slighter  dressing  ” of  the  dead, 
the  sheet  for  a ruler’s  body  is  embroidered;  for  that  of  a 
great  official,  white  silk;  for  that  of  a student,  black  silk;— 
each  has  one  sheet.  But  there  are  nineteen  suits  of  clothes 
for  each  of  them;  a suit  is  made  up  of  a long  robe  and  a 
shorter  one  placed  over  it,  and  there  must  be  the  upper  gar- 
ment together  with  the  lower  garment.  At  the  “ fuller 
dressing,”  each  of  them  has  two  sheets;  but  a ruler  has  one 
hundred  suits  of  clothes ; a great  official,  fifty;  and  a student, 
thirty.  For  the  coffins,  the  largest  or  outermost  coffin  of 
a ruler  is  eight  inches  thick,  the  next,  six  inches,  and  the 
innermost,  four  inches.  The  larger  coffin  of  a great  official 
of  the  highest  grade  is  eight  inches  thick;  and  the  inner, 
six  inches;  for  one  of  the  lowest  grade,  the  dimensions  are 
six  inches  and  four.  The  coffin  of  a student  is  six  inches 
thick.  For  the  outer  shell  of  the  coffin,  a ruler  uses  pine; 
a great  official,  cypress;  a student,  various  kinds  of  wood.1 
When  Confucius  became  the  magistrate  of  Chung-tu,  he 
made  an  ordinance  that  the  coffin  of  the  common  people 
should  be  four  inches  thick,  and  its  shell  five.2  This  is 
only  an  instance  to  show  the  expenditure  for  the  funeral. 

Now,  we  come  to  the  contributions  for  the  funeral.  As 
the  funeral  system  is  so  expensive,  there  is  really  a need 
of  contributions,  besides  the  fact  that  they  have  ethical  and 
social  reasons.  According  to  the  Canon  of  Rites  and  the 
Spring  and  Autumn , we  may  divide  these  contributions 
into  three  kinds.  First,  there  are  the  contributions  for  the 
dead.  Some  are  called  “ shroud,”  such  as  the  sheets  and 
clothes.  Some  are  called  “ gift,”  such  as  the  “ spiritual 

vessels.”  This  gift  is  not  regular,  but  just  according  to 
what  the  contributor  has.  If  a prince  of  state  gives  it  to  a 
student,  it  will  be  one  hundred  eighty  cubits  of  silk.  When 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xix,  pp.  185-199. 


1 Ibid.,  bk.  ii,  p.  150. 


274  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

the  contributor  knows  the  dead,  his  contribution  should  be 
of  the  first  kind.  Second,  there  are  the  contributions  for 
the  mourner.  This  is  called  “ help,”  and  is  performed  by 
the  use  of  money  and  other  articles  of  wealth.  When  the 
contributor  knows  the  mourner,  his  contribution  should  be 
of  the  second  kind,  in  order  to  form  a mutual  help  and  to 
supply  the  deficiency.  Third,  there  are  the  contributions  for 
the  dead  and  the  mourner  both.  These  are  called  “ cover- 
ing.” Such  things  are  the  bundle  of  silk,  carriage,  horse, 
sheep,  etc.  They  are  used  both  for  the  obsequies  of  the 
dead,  and  for  the  financial  assistance  of  the  mourner.  When 
the  contributor  knows  them  both,  his  contribution  should 
be  of  the  third  kind.  By  these  contributions,  society  is 
interwoven  like  a net,  and  wealth  is  distributed  to  and  fro 
like  the  tide.  But  they  form  an  expenditure  to  the  con- 
tributor. If  a poor  man  cannot  contribute  anything,  it  is 
a custom  of  the  Chinese  for  him  to  help  his  relatives  and 
friends  by  his  labor  instead  of  wealth.  Generally  a man, 
for  the  funeral  of  his  relatives  and  close  friends,  contributes 
both  labor  and  wealth. 

The  reasons  Confucius  makes  the  rites  of  funeral  so  ex- 
pensive are  four:  (i)  ethical,  (2)  aesthetic,  (3)  social  and 
(4)  economic.  Let  us  first  consider  the  ethical  reason.  We 
already  know  that,  under  Confucius’  teaching,  filial  piety 
is  one  of  the  chief  virtues  of  his  moral  code.  We  have 
already  seen  that,  when  the  parents  are  living,  the  rites  of 
serving  them  are  very  numerous;  but  how  is  it  when  they 
are  dead?  When  one  treats  his  parents  well  at  the  be- 
ginning, he  must  treat  them  well  at  the  end.  If  he  is  careful 
for  their  living  and  careless  for  their  death,  it  means  that 
he  is  respectful  to  those  who  have  knowledge  and  disre- 
spectful to  those  who  have  no  knowledge;  it  denotes  a 
rebellious  heart  and  is  the  practice  of  the  unfaithful  man. 
Even  if  we  have  a rebellious  heart  toward  a servant,  we  are 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


275 


still  ashamed;  how  can  we  have  such  a heart  toward  our 
parents?  Death  is  the  end  of  human  life;  it  affords  our 
last  chance  to  render  service  to  our  parents.1  Confucius 
says:  “ Man  may  not  have  shown  his  self-devotion  to  some- 
thing else,  but  he  must  show  it  at  the  funeral  of  his  par- 
ents.” 2 Mencius  says : “ The  nourishment  of  parents  when 
living  is  not  sufficient  to  be  accounted  the  great  thing.  It 
is  only  in  the  performing  of  their  obsequies  when  dead  that 
we  have  what  can  be  considered  the  great  thing.”  3 Accord- 
ing to  Confucius,  if  a man,  at  the  death  of  his  parents,  has 
no  devotion,  he  must  be  a hard-hearted  creature,  without 
any  feeling  of  humanity.  Therefore,  Confucius  establishes 
his  funeral  rites  to  make  it  necessary  for  the  people  to  ob- 
serve them.  This  is  really  an  advancing  step  to  lead  the 
people  to  do  their  duty  : since  they  must  serve  their  parents 
faithfully  even  after  they  are  dead,  how  faithful  must  they 
then  be  when  their  parents  are  alive! 

Ethical  reasons  are  of  fundamental  importance  in  con- 
nection with  the  funeral  rites,  and  yet  wc  cannot  explain  on 
ethical  grounds  why  such  rites  should  be  as  expensive  as 
Confucius  prescribes.  This  is  because  of  aesthetic  consid- 
erations. Tzu-yu  says : “ Among  the  rites,  some  are  in- 
tended to  lessen  the  display  of  feeling,  while  others  pur- 
posely introduce  things  to  excite  it.  To  give  direct  vent 
to  the  feelings  and  display  them  without  restraint  is  the  way 
of  barbarism.”  Therefore,  the  funeral  rites  are  not  simply 
to  express  the  feeling  of  sorrow,  but  also  carefully  to  regu- 
late it  in  a proper  way,  for  the  direction  of  average  people. 
He  continues : “ Whenever  a man  dies,  there  arises  a feel- 
ing of  disgust  at  the  corpse.  . . . On  this  account,  there 
is  the  wrapping  of  it  in  the  shroud,  and  there  are  the  cur- 


1 H sun  Tsii,  bk.  xix. 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  344. 


9 Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  322. 


276  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

tains,  plumes  and  other  ornaments  of  the  coffin,  to  preserve 
men  from  that  feeling  of  disgust.”  1 

Hsun  Tzu  has  given  the  same  reason  as  that  of  Tzu-yu. 
If  the  dead  has  no  decoration,  it  becomes  a bad  thing;  and 
if  it  becomes  a bad  thing,  man  will  have  no  sorrow  for  it. 
Just  losing  a parent  within  a single  day,  and  burying  him, 
nevertheless,  without  any  sorrow,  it  is  similar  to  the  death 
of  a beast.  How  can  it  be  done  in  such  a way  without 
great  shame?  Therefore,  in  the  ordering  of  funeral  rites, 
there  are  added  more  decorations  at  each  step  of  the  cere- 
mony, in  order  to  counteract  such  a tendency.2 

Beside  the  ethical  and  aesthetic  reasons,  there  is  the 
social  reason.  As  Confucius  marks  the  social  distinctions 
for  the  living,  he  also  marks  them  for  the  dead.  An  em- 
peror is  placed  in  his  coffin  on  the  seventh  day  after  his 
death,  and  interred  in  the  seventh  month.  A prince  of  a 
state  is  placed  in  his  coffin  on  the  fifth  day,  and  interred  in 
the  fifth  month.  A great  official,  a student,  and  the  common 
people  are  placed  in  the  coffin  on  the  third  day,  and  interred 
in  the  third  month.3  The  reasons  why  the  funeral  is  thus 
delayed  are,  (i)  that  the  articles  required  for  the  dead  may 
be  completed,  and  (2)  that  the  guests  coming  to  attend  the 
funeral  may  arrive.  But  we  must  understand  that  during 
such  a period  there  is  great  expense. 

There  is,  however,  the  significance  of  social  distinction. 
The  funeral  of  an  emperor  is  attended  by  all  the  princes 
under  the  imperial  jurisdiction;  that  of  a prince,  by  those 
of  the  states  which  have  diplomatic  relations ; and  that  of  a 
student  and  the  common  people,  by  ail  their  relatives  and 
friends.  But  the  funerals  of  those  who  have  been  pun- 
ished by  criminal  law  are  not  allowed  to  be  attended  by  any 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii,  p.  177. 

* Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  pp.  222-3. 


2 Bk.  xix. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


2 77 


people,  except  the  wives  and  sons.  There  are  only  three 
suits,  and  the  coffins  are  only  three  inches  thick.  The 
coffins  are  not  allowed  to  have  any  decorations,  or  to  be  con- 
veyed away  in  the  day  time.  They  are  buried  at  night,  and 
excluded  from  the  regular  ceremony.  There  is  no  mourn- 
ing at  all  for  them;  after  the  burial  everything  is  over. 
This  is  a most  disgraceful  thing.  Therefore,  the  scale  of 
the  expenditure  for  a funeral  is  a reflection  of  the  life  of  the 
dead;  and,  if  the  financial  condition  allows  it,  a man  should 
not  let  his  parents  fall  into  the  class  of  criminals.  When 
a man  is  living,  he  should  be  glorious,  and  when  he  dies, 
he  should  be  bitterly  lamented.1  This  is  the  social  reason 
for  the  expensive  funeral. 

Finally,  and  most  important  for  our  treatment,  there  is 
an  economic  reason, — the  satisfaction  of  human  wants. 
This  is  explained  very  clearly  by  Mencius.  He  says : 

In  the  most  ancient  times,  there  were  some  who  did  not  inter 
their  parents.  When  their  parents  died,  they  took  them  up 
and  threw  them  into  some  water-channel.  Afterwards,  when 
passing  by  them,  they  saw  foxes  and  wild-cats  devouring  them, 
and  flies  and  gnats  biting  at  them.  The  perspiration  started 
out  upon  their  foreheads,  and  they  looked  away,  unable  to 
bear  the  sight.  It  was  not  due  to  other  people  that  this  per- 
spiration flowed.  The  emotions  of  their  own  hearts  affected 
their  faces  and  eyes,  and  instantly  they  went  home,  and  came 
back  with  baskets  and  spades  and  covered  the  bodies.2 

This  is  a description  of  the  development  of  the  funeral  in  the 
rudest  stage,  and  it  indicates  that  funeral  is  necessary  to 
satisfy  the  psychological  wants  of  man. 

Since  society  is  higher  in  civilization,  the  human  wants 
for  a funeral  are  more  complex;  hence  Confucius’  system 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  349. 


2 Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  259-260. 


278  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

arises.  Man  does  not  satisfy  his  wants  by  a simple  cover- 
ing of  the  body  of  his  parent,  but  in  a very  handsome  way. 
This  is  characteristic  of  human  wants.  After  Mencius 
had  buried  his  mother,  Chung  Yu,  his  pupil,  questioned 
him  about  the  wood  of  the  coffin,  which  seemed  too  good. 
Mencius  replied : 

Anciently,  there  was  no  rule  for  the  size  of  either  the  inner  or 
the  outer  coffin.  In  middle  antiquity  [the  Hsia  and  the  Yin 
dynasties],  the  inner  coffin  was  made  seven  inches  thick,  and 
the  outer  one  the  same.  This  was  done  by  all,  from  the  em- 
peror to  the  common  people,  and  not  simply  for  the  beauty 
of  the  appearance,  but  because  they  thus  satisfied  the  natural 
feelings  of  their  hearts.  If  prevented  by  statutory  regula- 
tions from  making  their  coffins  in  this  way,  men  cannot  have 
the  feeling  of  pleasure.  If  they  have  not  the  money  to  make 
them  in  this  way,  they  cannot  have  the  feeling  of  pleasure. 
When  they  were  not  prevented,  and  had  the  money,  all  the  an- 
cients used  this  style.  Why  should  I alone  not  do  so?  More- 
over, is  there  no  satisfaction  to  the  natural  feelings  of  a man, 
in  preventing  the  earth  from  getting  near  to  the  bodies  of  his 
dead?  I have  heard  that  the  superior  man  will  not,  for  all 
the  world,  be  niggardly  to  his  parents.1 

Again,  Mencius  says:  “To  make  the  people  have  no 
dissatisfaction  about  the  nourishment  of  the  living  and  the 
funeral  of  the  dead,  is  the  first  principle  of  a good  govern- 
ment.” 2 In  other  words,  the  economic  condition  of  the 
people  is  the  first  object  of  a good  government,  and  such  a 
condition  must  be  satisfactory.  But  what  we  should  under- 
stand is  that  the  Confucians  put  the  nourishment  of  the  liv- 
ing and  the  funeral  of  the  dead  in  the  same  rank,  as  the 
two  necessities  of  economic  life. 

These  four  reasons  explain  why  Confucius  made  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  221-2. 


2 Ibid.,  p.  131. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


279 


funeral  rites.  But  we  may  raise  a question  as  to  whether 
he  was  so  superstitious  as  to  believe  that  the  dead  really 
have  knowledge  or  power.  The  answer  must  be  no.  On 
such  an  important  point,  we  must  quote  him  directly.  Con- 
fucius says : 

In  dealing  with  the  dead,  if  we  treat  them  as  if  they  were  en- 
tirely dead,  that  would  show  a want  of  affection,  and  should 
not  be  done;  or,  if  we  treat  them  as  if  they  were  entirely 
alive,  that  would  show  a want  of  wisdom,  and  should  not  be 
done.  On  this  account,  the  vessels  of  bamboo  used  in  connec- 
tion with  the  burial  of  the  dead  are  not  fit  for  actual  use; 
those  of  earthenware  cannot  be  used  to  wash  in ; those  of 
wood  are  incapable  of  being  carved ; the  lutes  are  strung,  but 
not  evenly ; the  pan  pipes  are  complete,  but  not  in  tune ; 
the  bells  and  musical  stones  are  there,  but  they  have  no  stands. 
These  things  are  called  “ spiritual  vessels  ”,  because  the  dead 
are  treated  as  the  unknowable  spirits.1 

From  this  statement,  we  know  that  Confucius  treats  the 
dead  as  midway  between  dead  and  alive,  in  order  to  avoid 
being  either  unkind  or  unwise.  There  is  another  statement 
of  his  which  is  very  striking.  When  Tzu-kung  asks  him 
whether  or  not  the  dead  have  knowledge,  he  replies : 

If  I were  to  say  that  the  dead  have  knowledge,  I am  afraid 
that  filial  sons  and  dutiful  grandsons  would  injure  their  sub- 
stance in  paying  the  last  offices  to  the  departed ; and  if  I were 
to  say  that  the  dead  have  no  knowledge,  I am  afraid  that  un- 
filial  sons  and  undutiful  grandsons  would  leave  their  parents 
unburied.  If  you  wish  to  know  whether  the  dead  have  knowl- 
edge or  not,  you  will  know  it  yourself  when  you  die. 
There  is  no  need  to  discuss  this  point  at  the  present.2 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii,  p.  148. 

J Park  of  Narratives,  bk.  xviii.  Cf.  Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  99. 


28o  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

Confucius  regulates  not  only  the  rites  of  funeral,  but  also 
the  periods  of  mourning,  which  have  great  importance 
for  economic  life.  We  shall  not  go  into  any  details  of 
mourning,  except  the  mourning  for  parents.  The  period 
of  mourning  for  parents  in  ancient  times  was  one  year 
only.  Confucius  doubles  this  period;  the  actual  length  of 
time  is  twenty-five  months,  and  the  nominal  title  is  “ three 
years’  mourning.”  Within  this  period,  the  son  should  not 
drink  wine,  not  eat  meat,  not  live  with  his  wife.  Confucius 
says : “ A superior  man,  during  the  whole  period  of  mourn- 
ing, does  not  enjoy  pleasant  food  which  he  may  eat,  nor  de- 
rive pleasure  from  music  which  he  may  hear.  He  also  does 
not  feel  at  ease,  if  he  is  comfortably  lodged.  Therefore, 
he  does  not  do  such  things  at  all.”  1 Mencius  says:  “ For 
the  three  years’  mourning,  the  garment  of  coarse  cloth 
with  its  lower  edge  even,  and  the  eating  of  congee,  are 
common  to  all,  from  the  emperor  to  the  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple.” 2 This  is  a return  by  the  son  for  the  benefits  he  has 
received  from  his  parents.  Confucius  explains:  “It  is  not 
till  a child  is  three  years  old  that  it  is  allowed  to  leave  the 
arms  of  its  parents.  Hence  the  three  years’  mourning  is  a 
universal  system  of  the  empire.”  3 

The  rites  of  funeral  and  mourning  are  the  creeds  of  Con- 
fucius. When  Confucius  and  his  disciples  preach  the  doc- 
trine of  filial  piety,  these  rites  are  used  as  the  means  for 
conversion.  But  the  anti-Confucians  attack  them  as  the 
weakest  points.  Among  all  the  anti-Confucians,  Mo  Ti  is 
the  chief.  He  is  a pupil  of  Confucius,  but  he  is  not  satisfied 
with  the  rites  of  funeral  and  mourning,  so  he  establishes  his 
new  school  against  his  old  master.  These  rites  are  the  fun- 
damental differences  between  Confucianism  and  Moism. 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  328.  2 Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  236. 

5 Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  328. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


281 

But  why  does  Mo  Ti  differ  from  Confucius  at  this  point? 
His  argument  is  based  entirely  upon  economic  grounds. 
As  we  are  treating  the  economic  principles  of  Confucius, 
we  may  take  up  some  points  from  the  argument  of  Mo  Ti, 
in  order  to  enable  us  to  understand  Confucianism  better. 

The  economic  argument  of  Mo  Ti  has  two  points:  first, 
these  rites  cannot  increase  wealth ; and  second,  they  cannot 
increase  population.  By  the  expensive  funeral,  too  much 
wealth  is  buried,  and  by  the  long  period  of  mourning,  pro- 
duction is  stopped  too  long.  The  existing  wealth  which  has 
been  accumulated  from  the  past  is  thrown  away,  and  the 
coming  wealth  which  will  be  produced  in  the  future  is  pre- 
vented for  a long  time.  This  is  against  the  law  of  increas- 
ing wealth.  During  the  different  periods  of  mourning  for 
the  different  relatives,  the  physical  condition  is  undermined, 
and  the  living  is  also1  too  coarse;  hence  many  persons  die 
on  this  account.  Moreover,  the  rites  of  mourning  destroy 
the  sexual  relations  to  a great  extent.  This  is  against  the 
law  of  increasing  population.  Therefore,  Mo  Ti  establishes 
his  funeral  laws  as  follows : In  winter  time,  the  winter 
clothes  are  used  for  the  dead;  in  summer,  the  summer 
clothes;  but  there  are  no  more  than  three  suits.  The  coffin 
is  only  three  inches  thick.  The  period  of  mourning  is  only 
three  months.  As  soon  as  the  dead  is  buried,  the  living 
must  immediately  return  to  the  production  of  wealth.1 

Mo  Ti  uses  the  economic  argument  as  the  strongest  point 
to  attack  Confucius,  and  yet  he  is  defeated  on  the  economic 
ground.  He  cares  too  much  for  production,  and  too  little 
for  consumption;  hence  he  sacrifices  the  end  to  the  means. 
This  is  the  point  for  decisive  battle  between  Confucianism 
and  Moism.  Chuang  Tzu  has  given  the  best  criticism  on 
Moism,  in  the  following: 


1 Mo  Tzu,  bk.  xxv. 


282  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


For  life,  it  is  hard;  for  death,  it  is  cruel;  its  principle  is  too 
dry.  It  makes  men  grieve  and  lament.  Its  practice  is  difficult 
to  carry  out.  I am  afraid  that  it  cannot  be  the  principle  of  a 
sage.  It  opposes  the  natural  feeling  of  the  world,  and  the 
world  cannot  accept  it.  Although  Mo  Tzu  can  bear  it  alone, 
how  can  he  do  anything  against  the  world?  As  he  is  different 
from  the  world,  he  is  too  far  away  to  be  a king.1 

From  this  judgment  of  Chuang  Tzu,  we  need  not  wonder 
why  Mo  Ti  has  lost  his  influence,  and  why  Confucius  has 
become  “ The  Throneless  King.”  It  is  simply  an  economic 
reason;  Confucius  satisfied  human  wants,  and  Mo  Ti  did 
not. 

We  must  not  misunderstand  and  think,  however,  that  the 
funeral  rites  of  Confucius  are  too  expensive.  He  uses  still 
the  principle  that  consumption  should  be  according  to  the 
means.  His  social  system  is  based  on  the  scale  of  virtue; 
those  of  greater  virtue  occupy  the  higher  position  and  get 
more  wealth ; hence  they  should  have  better  funerals.  More- 
over, he  is  the  real  reformer  of  the  funeral  system  of  his 
time.  During  the  Chou  dynasty,  life  was  luxurious,  and 
the  expenditure  for  funerals  was  most  excessive,  even  to 
burying  men  alive  for  the  service  of  the  dead.  It  became 
much  better  when  Confucius  regulated  the  funeral  of  dif- 
ferent classes  by  a certain  standard,  beyond  which  they 
could  not  go.  According  to  Confucius,  all  the  things  used 
for  the  dead  should  be  entirely  different  from  those  used 
by  living  men.  For  examples,  the  carriages  of  clay  and  the 
figures  of  straw  simply  represent  spiritual  ideas  but  do  not 
have  much  economic  value.  Even  using  a wooden  image 
to  bury  with  the  dead  Confucius  condemns  severely, — how 
can  he  approve  a funeral  which  is  really  too  expensive?2 

1 Cf.  Sacred  Books,  vol.  xl,  p.  219. 

1 Li  Xi,  bk.  ii,  p.  173. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


283 

Therefore,  in  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  he  records  the  sepul- 
ture of  Huan  Wang  in  order  to  condemn  the  extravagant 
burial  even  of  an  emperor.1 

Confucius  uses  exactly  the  same  principle  for  three  years’ 
mourning;  it  cannot  be  made  longer  for  the  superior  men, 
but  it  cannot  be  made  shorter  for  the  inferior  men.  All  the 
rites  of  funeral  and  mourning  are  based  on  the  golden  mean, 
and  they  satisfy  the  human  wants. 

III.  ANCESTOR-WORSHIP 

Third,  we  shall  study  the  expenditure  for  ancestor-wor- 
ship. This  is  also  a most  important  point  in  the  religion  of 
Confucius,  and  we  must  study  it  at  its  root.  According  to 
Confucius,  ancestors  should  be  worshiped  by  all  classes, 
from  the  emperor  to  the  common  people. 

This  means  an  increase  in  expenditure.  First,  they  must 
build  the  ancestral  temples;  and  such  temples  must  be  better 
than,  or  at  least  equal  to,  the  residential  houses.  When  a 
superior  man  is  about  to  engage  in  building,  he  should  build 
the  temple  first,  and  the  residence  last.  Although  the  com- 
mon people  cannot  have  the  right  to  build  a temple,  they 
must  give  up  some  part  of  their  house  for  the  worship  of 
their  ancestor,  and  it  must  cost  them  something.  Second, 
they  must  have  sacrificial  dress.  Those  officials  who  receive 
land  for  salary  should  make  such  dress  without  delay.  Even 
though  they  were  cold,  they  should  not  wear  the  sacrificial 
dress  for  protection.  Third,  they  must  make  the  sacri- 
ficial vessels.  Although  the  common  people  who  do  not 
receive  land  as  salary  cannot  have  them,  the  family  of  offi- 
cials must  make  them  first,  and  the  vessels  for  the  use  of 
the  living  afterwards.  Even  though  they  were  poor,  they 
should  not  sell  the  sacrificial  vessels.2  Fourth,  they  must 
have  the  offerings.  When  the  offerings  are  presented  by 


1 Third  year  of  Duke  Chuang. 


2 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  pp.  103-4. 


284  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

the  emperor,  there  are  the  small  things,  such  as  the  sauer- 
kraut of  water  plants,  and  pickles  from  the  produce  of  dry 
grounds;  the  fine  things,  such  as  the  stands  for  the  bodies 
of  the  three  victims  and  the  supplies  for  the  eight  dishes; 
and  those  things  produced  under  the  best  influences  of  light 
and  shade,  such  as  strange  insects,  and  the  fruits  of  plants 
and  trees.  Whatever  the  heaven  and  the  earth  have  pro- 
duced, if  they  can  be  used  for  offerings,  are  all  exhibited 
there  to  show  the  great  abundance  of  things.1  Even  among 
the  offerings  of  the  common  people,  we  have  already  seen 
that  they  should  present  the  different  things  according  to 
the  four  seasons.2  Therefore,  in  ancestor-worship,  there 
must  be  an  expenditure  added  to  the  cost  of  living. 

Let  us  now  consider  why  Confucius  approves  ancestor- 
worship.  This  is  the  fundamental  basis  of  Confucius’  re- 
ligion. He  advocates  one  supreme  God,  but  he  has  also  a 
companion  of  God,  that  is,  one’s  father.  Hence  his  re- 
ligious system  is  dualism.  God  is  our  common  father,  with- 
out whom  we  cannot  have  life;  but  we  have  also  a specific 
father,  without  whom  we  still  cannot  have  life.  If  God  is 
our  only  father,  we  may  be  born  into  any  other  life  and  it 
is  not  necessary  that  we  be  human  beings.  If  the  specific 
father  is  our  only  father,  we  may  lose  the  best  elements  of 
nature  and  have  no  spiritual  life.  Hence  Confucius  recog- 
nizes these  two  fathers;  adding  a mother  to  them  there  is 
the  Confucian  doctrine  of  trinity.  If  we  leave  out  the 
common  father,  we  shall  be  too  narrow-minded,  too  ego- 
tistic, unkind  to  the  human  race,  and  against  the  law  of 
love.  If  we  leave  out  the  specific  father,  we  shall  be  too 
loose  in  the  family  relation,  too  altruistic,  undutiful  to  our 
own  father,  and  against  the  law  of  wisdom.  As  love  and 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxii,  p.  238. 

2 See  supra,  pp.  260-261. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES  285 

wisdom  are  the  balance  of  Confucius,  he  combines  the  two 
principles,  and  establishes  his  dual  religion. 

Confucius  says : 

By  the  ceremonies  of  the  sacrifices  to  Heaven  and  Earth,  we 
are  to  serve  the  Supreme  God,  and  by  the  ceremonies  of  the 
ancestral  temple,  we  are  to  worship  the  ancestors.  One  who 
understands  the  ceremonies  of  the  sacrifices  to  Heaven  and 
Earth,  and  the  meaning  of  the  several  sacrifices  to  ancestors, 
will  find  the  governing  of  a kingdom  as  easy  as  to  look  into 
his  palm.1 

By  this  statement,  he  points  out  that  the  worship  of  God 
and  that  of  ancestor  are  equally  important  on  different 
occasions.  But  he  has  still  another  statement  to  point  out 
that  the  worship  of  God  and  that  of  ancestor  can  be  held 
on  the  same  occasion.  He  says : 

In  filial  piety  there  is  nothing  greater  than  the  reverential  awe 
of  one’s  father.  In  the  reverential  awe  shown  to  one’s  father 
there  is  nothing  greater  than  making  him  the  correlate  of 
Heaven.  The  Duke  of  Chou  was  the  man  who  first  did  this. 
Formerly  the  Duke  of  Chou  at  the  border  altar  sacrificed 
to  Hou  Chi  as  the  correlate  of  Heaven,  and  in  the  Brilliant 
Hall  he  honored  Wen  Wang,  and  sacrificed  to  him  as  the 
correlate  of  God.2 

Indeed,  as  long  as  we  have  not  reached  the  stage  of  Great 
Similarity,  and  have  the  tie  of  family,  ancestor-worship  is 
quite  justifiable. 

There  arises  a question  as  to  whether  Confucius  believes 
that  the  ancestor  is  really  equal  to  God.  The  answer  must 
be  no.  It  is  simply  that  the  descendant  contributes  the 
greatest  honor  to  his  ancestor.  Because  it  is  only  a social 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  404. 

1 Sacred  Books,  vol.  iii,  pp.  476-7. 


286  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


honor,  Confucius  makes  the  emperor  the  only  one  to  have 
the  right  of  sacrificing  to  God;  otherwise,  as  Confucius 
recognizes  that  everyone  is  the  son  of  God,  why  should 
everyone  not  sacrifice  to  him,  and  why  should  everyone  not 
make  his  own  father  equal  to  God?  In  the  social  system 
of  Confucius,  the  emperor  is  the  chief  personality,  and  in 
his  moral  system,  filial  piety  is  the  chief  virtue;  hence  the 
father  or  ancestor  of  the  emperor  can  enjoy  the  greatest 
honor,  and  the  emperor  sacrifices  to  him  for  the  showing 
of  the  practice  of  filial  piety  to  the  empire.  Moreover,  the 
ancestor  who  is  made  the  correlate  of  God  must  be  the  most 
famous  one  of  the  dynasty;  the  number  of  those  ancestors 
never  can  be  more  than  two,  and  the  one  must  be  separated 
from  the  other  when  the  one  is  placed  as  a companion  of 
God.  Therefore,  we  are  sure  that  Confucius  does  not  re- 
gard the  ancestor  as  God. 

Does  Confucius  believe  in  a soul?  Yes.  It  is  the  soul 
to  which  the  worship  is  directed.  As  soon  as  the  dead  is 
buried,  its  soul  is  received  home  immediately,  and  it  is 
represented  by  a tablet.  Confucius  says : “ The  physical 
body  goes  downwards,  but  the  intelligent  spirit  is  on  high.”  1 
He  says  again : “ The  bones  and  flesh  molder  below,  and, 
hidden  away,  become  the  earth  of  the  fields;  but  the  spirit 
issues  forth,  and  is  displayed  on  high  in  a condition  of 
glorious  brightness.”  2 The  Record  of  Rites  also  says: 
“ The  spiritual  soul  returns  to  heaven,  while  the  physical 
body  returns  to  earth.”  3 

However,  Confucius  does  not  prove  the  existence  of  the 
soul.  The  Record  of  Rites  says:  “ The  flesh  of  the  victim 
may  be  presented  raw  and  as  a whole,  or  cut  up  in  pieces, 
or  sodden,  or  thoroughly  cooked;  but  how  can  we  know 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  vii,  p.  369.  2 Ibid.,  bk.  xxi,  p.  220. 

8 Ibid.,  bk.  ix,  p.  444. 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES  287 

whether  the  spirit  does  enjoy  it?  It  is  simply  that  the  sac- 
rificer  shows  his  reverence  to  the  utmost  of  his  power.”  1 
A similar  statement  is  found  in  many  places  of  the  Record 
of  Rites.2  In  fact,  the  mind  of  Confucius  is  not  only  re- 
ligious, but  also  scientific;  hence,  according  to  him,  the  soul 
is  an  unknowable  spirit. 

If  the  soul  is  unknowable,  why  does  Confucius  make 
ancestor-worship  necessary?  It  is  only  on  the  ethical 
ground.  As  we  have  already  said  that  filial  piety  is  the 
chief  virtue  of  his  moral  system,  should  a son  stop  observ- 
ing such  an  important  principle  after  the  death  of  his  par- 
ents? Certainly  not.  It  is  by  ancestor-worship  that  the 
nourishment  of  parents  is  followed  up  and  filial  duty  to 
them  perpetuated.3  Confucius  says : “ Serving  the  dead 
as  they  were  served  when  alive,  and  serving  the  departed 
as  if  they  were  still  abiding  among  us;  this  is  the  summit 
of  filial  conduct.”  4 Therefore,  ancestor-worship  is  exclu- 
sively for  the  sake  of  virtue,  and  the  worshiper  does  not 
seek  anything  for  his  own  benefit.5  This  is  the  noblest 
character  of  the  religion  of  Confucius. 

Since  China  has  adopted  Confucianism  as  the  state  re- 
ligion, everyone  must  conform  to  the  filial  duties.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Law  Code  of  the  Ts‘ing  Dynasty,  all  the  monks 
and  nuns  of  the  churches  of  Buddhism  and  Taoism  are  re- 
quired to  kneel  before  their  parents,  to  worship  their  an- 
cestors, and  to  follow  the  mourning  system.  If  they  do 
not  obey  this  law,  they  shall  be  punished  with  one  hundred 
blows  with  the  long  stick,  and  shall  be  driven  out  of  their 
monastery  to  stay  at  home.®  This  shows  the  peculiar  char- 
acter of  the  Chinese.  Although  they  allow  everyone  to  have 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ix,  p.  446. 

3 Ibid.,  bk.  xxii,  p.  237. 

8 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxii,  p.  237. 


2 Ibid.,  bk.  ii,  pp.  169,  177. 
* Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  403. 

6 Ch.  xvii. 


288  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


perfect  freedom  of  belief,  they  compel  him  to  perform  the 
social  and  ethical  duties.  Therefore,  according  to  the 
view  of  the  Chinese,  ancestor-worship  is  not  a religious 
rite,  in  the  English  sense,  but  a social  and  ethical  obligation. 

In  conclusion,  for  the  funeral  rites,  the  mourning  system, 
and  ancestor-worship,  the  Chinese  not  only  observe  the 
teachings  of  Confucius,  but  also  go  a little  farther,  although 
changes  in  many  details  are  necessary. 

IV.  SOCIAL  INTERCOURSE 

Fourth,  we  shall  study  the  expenditure  for  social  inter- 
course, namely,  “ the  presents  of  introduction.”  Accord- 
ing to  the  ceremonies  of  Confucius,  when  anyone  calls  on 
another  for  the  first  time,  he  must  bring  a present  to  ex- 
press his  respect  and  sympathy.  When  the  feudal  princes 
pay  their  visit  to  the  emperor,  or  visit  among  themselves; 
when  a man  first  becomes  an  officer,  or  first  advances  to  a 
higher  official  rank,  and  then  pays  his  first  visit  to  his 
ruler,  or  his  superior,  or  his  compeer;  when  officials  call 
on  the  foreign  princes  who  have  just  come  to  visit  their 
own  county;  when  the  boy  first  meets  his  teacher;  when 
a woman  first  sees  her  parents-in-law,  and  the  princess  or 
queen;  and,  indeed,  when  all  persons  first  meet  other 
persons  of  higher  rank  or  the  same  rank;  it  is  necessary  to 
take  presents.  But  such  presents  are  not  made  by  su- 
periors to  their  inferiors. 

The  things  used  for  presents  of  introduction  are  regu- 
larly prescribed.  They  are  different  according  to  the  so- 
cial standing  of  the  callers,  and  have  representative  signi- 
ficance referring  to  their  personal  characters.  The  present 
of  the  emperor  is  spirits  of  black  millet.  He  is  too  high  to 
be  a guest  of  the  feudal  princes,  and  yet,  when  he  comes 
to  inspect  their  state,  he  uses  the  spirits  in  their  ancestral 
temple  in  order  to  show  the  ceremony  of  his  arrival.  The 


PARTICULAR  EXPENDITURES 


289 


present  of  the  feudal  princes  is  their  symbols  of  jade.  The 
present  of  a high  minister  is  a lamb;  and  that  of  a great 
official,  a goose;  both  are  alive.  The  present  of  a student 
is  a dead  pheasant;  but  in  summer  time,  the  pheasant  is 
dried  in  order  to  avoid  its  smelling.  The  present  of  the  com- 
mon people  is  a duck;  that  of  a boy,  ten  pieces  of  dried 
meat.  The  present  of  a woman  is  entirely  different  from 
that  of  a man ; throughout  all  classes,  women  use  the  fruits 
of  the  hovenia  dulcis,  and  of  the  hazel  tree,  dried  meat 
cut  fine,  and  hash  with  spices,  jujube  dates,  and  chestnuts. 
If  in  an  army  out  of  the  towns,  having  no  regular  present, 
a tassel  from  a horse’s  breast,  an  archer’s  armlet,  or  an 
arrow,  one  may  use  for  the  present.  Judging  from  this 
instance,  if  one  cannot  find  the  regular  present  in  some 
locality,  he  may  use  any  seasonable  thing.1 

These  presents  are  only  to  represent  the  respect  of  the 
guest,  and  the  host  cannot  make  use  of  them  for  his  own 
advantage.  When  the  princes  visit  the  emperor  or  visit 
each  other,  the  presents  of  different  jades  are  immediately 
returned  to  them.  When  the  inferior  calls  on  the  superior, 
the  presents  of  different  animals  are  not  accepted,  or  they 
are  returned  after  the  calling  is  over.  If  men  of  the  same 
rank  call  on  each  other,  the  presents  will  be  returned  to  the 
guest  when  the  host  repays  his  visit,  on  the  same  day,  or 
another  day.  It  is  only  the  prince  who  can  accept  presents 
from  his  officials  without  return,  and  yet  he  may  give  them 
a banquet.  At  all  the  callings  of  the  same  rank,  as  soon 
as  the  formal  meeting  is  over,  the  guest  is  invited  to  dine 
with  the  host.2 

So  far  as  the  present  of  introduction  is  necessary  for  the 
first  calling,  no  matter  whether  it  will  be  returned  or  not, 
it  is  a necessary  expenditure.  It  makes  the  life  of  society 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  p.  119. 


2 Canon  of  Rites,  ch.  vii. 


290  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

harmonious  and  respectful,  but  it  cannot  occur  without  the 
use  of  wealth.  As  regards  the  expenditure  of  social  inter- 
course, there  are  many  kinds  of  gifts  to  show  friendship 
according  to  different  occasions.  But  we  need  not  go  into 
them,  because  they  are  not  necessary  expenses. 

In  the  present  day,  the  custom  of  bringing  presents  of 
introduction  for  the  first  visit  has  been  changed  to  other 
forms  or  other  names,  and  has  been  practically  abolished. 
The  only  remaining  trace  of  this  custom  is  in  the  group 
of  pupils.  When  a student  goes  to  school,  he  must  give 
something,  mostly  in  the  form  of  money,  as  the  present  of 
introduction  to  his  teacher  or  teachers  at  least  the  first  year, 
or  at  the  beginning  of  every  year.  Very  recently,  since 
schools  of  the  modern  type  have  been  established,  this 
custom  is  abolished  in  some  schools,  while  it  remains  in 
others.  The  difference  is  that  when  one  is  considered  as 
a personal  pupil  to  his  personal  teacher,  he  brings  the  present 
of  introduction;  but  when  the  institution  takes  the  place  of 
his  teacher,  he  is  under  no  obligation  to  do  so.  China 
as  regards  this  custom  is  thus  in  a transitional  period. 


PART  III 


PRODUCTION 


BOOK  V.  FACTORS  OF  PRODUCTION 


CHAPTER  XVII 
Three  Factors  of  Production 

For  the  three  factors  of  the  production  of  wealth,  we 
may  select  the  following  passage  from  the  “ Great 
Learning  ” : 

The  superior  man  must  be  careful  about  his  virtue  first.  Hav- 
ing virtue,  there  will  be  the  man.  Having  the  man,  there  will 
be  the  land.  Having  the  land,  there  will  be  the  wealth.  Hav- 
ing the  wealth,  there  will  be  its  use.  Virtue  is  the  root,  and 
wealth  is  only  its  outcome.1 

This  principle  is  originally  applied  to  the  ruler.  If  a 
ruler  has  virtue,  he  can  rule  the  man,  hold  the  land,  ac- 
cumulate the  wealth,  which  means  here,  capital,  and  have 
many  things  for  use.  But  this  principle  can  be  applied 
to  everybody,  generally.  Take  the  business  man,  for  in- 
stance. He  must  possess  some  virtue  first,  either  physical, 
mental  or  moral — the  word  virtue  is  used  in  its  broad 
sense.  If  competition  were  perfectly  free,  he  would  get 
wealth  in  proportion  to  the  virtue  he  possessed.  If  he 
have  no  virtue  at  all,  or  if  he,  in  some  way,  fail  to  show 
his  virtue  (such  as  being  able  to  work,  and  not  working 
at  all),  he  would  be  an  outcast,  and  he  could  not  get  any 
wealth  by  himself.  In  society,  there  is  no  such  person. 
If  there  is  any,  he  cannot  live  very  long.  The  loafer,  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  375. 


293- 


294  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

parasite,  and  the  thief,  although  they  are  bad  men,  still  have 
some  particular  virtue  for  getting  wealth.  Therefore,  vir- 
tue is  the  root,  and  wealth  is  only  its  outcome. 

Thus,  according  to  the  “ Great  Learning,”  the  factors  of 
production  are  three.  The  first  is  the  man  who  has  any 
virtue;  the  second  is  the  land,  and  the  third  is  capital.  All 
the  three  factors  belong  to  the  productive  sphere.  Then 
the  word  “ use  ” appears.  With  the  word  “ use,”  consump- 
tion begins. 

The  principle  of  dividing  the  productive  factors  into 
three  is  a general  economic  principle.  It  can  be  applied 
even  to  a single  man  in  savage  life.  First,  he  himself 
must  be  a human  being.  Second,  he  must  live  on  some 
kind  of  land,  and  use  either  fishing  land  or  hunting  land. 
Third,  he  must  have  some  kind  of  capital  to  help  his  fishing 
or  hunting.  In  primitive  life,  the  capital  must  be  sub- 
ordinate to  the  land,  because  he  can  live  without  capital, 
but  he  can  never  live  without  land.  In  social  life, 
land  is  only  a part  of  capital,  and  man  can  have  many 
other  capital  goods  without  owning  land.  Therefore,  in 
social  life,  there  are  only  two  factors — man  and  capital 
goods.  But,  in  Confucius’  time,  it  was  not  so.  Under 
the  tsing  tien  system,  every  man  accepted  a portion  of  land, 
otherwise  he  could  have  no  other  capital  goods,  or  very 
few.  Therefore,  land  was  a separate  factor,  and  played  the 
most  important  part  among  all  capital  goods.  Moreover,  in 
economic  dynamics,  the  difference  between  land  and  artifi- 
cially made  goods  becomes  prominent,  because  land  is  not 
made  and  not  perishable.  The  “ Great  Learning  ” is  correct 
in  treating  these  three  factors  separately. 

Taking  a nation  as  an  economic  unit,  this  principle  is 
still  more  true.  The  first  element  of  the  wealth  of  a nation 
is  man,  the  second  is  land,  and  the  third  is  capital.  Un- 
occupied land  never  can  form  a nation,  unless  it  belongs 


THREE  FACTORS  OF  PRODUCTION 


295 


to  man.  Those  who  have  merely  perishable  capital  goods 
never  can  form  a nation,  unless  they  own  some  land.  There 
are  the  stateless  people,  who  have  men,  land,  and  capital, 
but  have  no  nation.  But  there  is  no  nation  that  has  neither 
men,  nor  land,  nor  capital. 

According  to  the  order  of  the  “ Great  Learning,”  we  shall 
discuss  human  beings  first,  and  then  nature.  In  other 
words,  we  shall  make  the  man  precede  the  land.  It  is  true 
that  the  land  is  not  made  by  man,  even  existed  before  man. 
But  it  is  equally  true,  that  the  land  is  useful  to  man 
simply  because  man  comes  into  it,  otherwise  the  whole 
world  is  only  a wilderness.  Economics  is  not  a natural  sci- 
ence, but  a human  science.  We  should  care  for  the  man 
first.  Moreover,  since  human  power  has  been  developed, 
nature  is  subject  to  man.  All  the  natural  forces  are  only 
machines,  helping  to  produce  wealth,  but  the  real  ruler  of 
the  natural  world  is  man.  For  these  reasons,  we  shall  dis- 
cuss man  before  discussing  land. 

This  order  has  produced  a special  economic  influence 
upon  the  Chinese.  Why  does  China  have  a large  popula- 
tion? Why  do  the  Chinese  like  to  have  even  more  chil- 
dren than  their  fortune  can  support?  Why  do  Chinese 
scholars  never  think  of  such  a theory  as  limiting  the  popu- 
lation? It  is  because  the  “Great  Learning”  states  that 
man  is  the  first  factor  of  production.  According  to  this 
principle,  land  and  capital  both  come  after  man.  This 
principle  is  familiar  to  all  the  Chinese.  They  have 
a proverb:  “Money  is  made  by  man.”  For  their  greet- 
ings, their  first  phrase  is  “ increasing  sons,”  and  the  second 
is  “ accumulating  capital.”  When  a new  year  comes,  the 
people  write  or  say,  “ The  man  and  the  capital  both  are 
successful.”  They  are  very  glad  to  have  more  members 
in  a family,  in  a community,  or  in  the  whole  nation,  not 
only  for  social  pleasure,  but  also  for  economic  production, 


2g6  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

because  they  think  that  man  is  the  chief  productive  factor. 
This  is  undoubtedly  due  to  the  influence  of  the  “ Great 
Learning.” 

Henry  George  says : “ It  is  not  the  increase  of  food  that 
has  caused  this  increase  of  men;  but  the  increase  of  men 
that  has  brought  about  the  increase  of  food.  There  is 
more  food,  simply  because  there  are  more  men.”  1 Such 
a theory  is  the  common  idea  of  the  Chinese.  And  the 
“ Great  Learning,”  in  putting  man  before  land  and  capital, 
has  exactly  the  same  theory. 

In  the  very  beginning  of  the  subject  of  political  economy, 
the  first  part  of  his  General  History  of  Institutes,  Tu  Yu 
(died  1363  A.  K.  or  812  A.  D. ) also  enumerates  the  three 
factors  of  production.  He  says : 

The  grain  is  the  controller  of  the  life  of  man  ; the  land  is  the 
ground  upon  which  the  grain  is  grown ; and  the  man  is  the 
object  for  which  the  ruler  administers  his  government.  Stor- 
ing the  grain,  the  national  reserve  will  be  abundant ; dis- 
tinguishing the  land  for  agricultural  purposes,  the  food  will  be 
sufficient ; and  making  an  investigation  of  the  men,  the  service 
of  the  public  labor  will  be  equal.  When  a ruler  understands 
these  three  things,  it  is  called  a good  government. 

His  statement  is  from  the  standpoint  of  a ruler,  but  the 
three  things  are  common  to  all  economic  life.  The  word 
grain  is  the  chief  representative  of  capital,  which  we  shall 
discuss  later;  while  the  words  land  and  man  have  no  need 
of  explanation.  Therefore,  according  to  Tu  Yu  also,  the 
factors  of  production  are  three, — namely,  capital,  land  and 
man.  His  order  is  just  the  reverse  of  that  of  the  “ Great 
Learning.”  But  they  are  essentially  th  same,  because  he 
names  them  in  the  order  of  a climax,  while  the  “ Great 
Learning  ” does  the  opposite. 


Progress  and  Poverty,  p.  97- 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


Labor— Population 

I.  IMPORTANCE  OF  POPULATION 

Since  man  is  the  first  factor  of  production,  we  should 
first  discuss  man  in  the  collective  sense — that  is,  the  popu- 
lation. The  Analects  tells  us,  “To  anyone  bearing  the 
tables  of  population,  Confucius  bowed  forward  to  the  cross- 
bar of  his  carriage.”  1 This  shows  that  Confucius  attached 
much  importance  to  the  tables  of  population.  Chu  Hsi  com- 
ments : 

The  action  of  Confucius  was  due  to  the  importance  of  the 
number  of  people.  Man  is  the  most  intelligent  of  all  the  crea- 
tures, and  the  people  are  regarded  as  the  heaven  of  the  em- 
peror. Therefore,  according  to  the  Official  System  of  Chou, 
when  the  number  of  people  was  presented  to  the  emperor,  he 
accepted  it  kneeling.  How  should  one  whose  position  was 
lower  than  that  of  the  emperor  not  give  respect  to  the  num- 
ber of  population  ? 

From  the  example  of  Confucius,  the  Chinese  always  think 
that  population  is  the  chief  element  of  the  national  assets. 

The  Official  System  of  Chou  has  many  passages  in  regard 
to  population.  We  shall  select  only  a few  of  them.  Among 
the  duties  of  the  vice-president  of  the  department  of  people 
are  these:  he  shall  investigate  the  number  of  males  and 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  236. 


297 


298  the  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

females  who  live  in  the  city,  the  suburb  and  the  country,  and 
pay  the  different  kinds  of  taxes.  He  shall  distinguish  the 
noble  and  the  common,  the  old  and  the  young,  and  the  sick 
people.  He  shall  denote  those  who  are  exempted  from  tax- 
ation, and  state  their  rules  of  worship,  of  drink  and  food, 
of  funeral,  etc.  He  shall  send  the  statistical  laws  to  each  of 
the  local  governors,  ordering  him  to  record  the  size  of  the 
population  of  his  province  and  also  the  number  of  their 
horses,  cows,  sheep,  pigs,  dogs,  hens,  carriages,  wagons,  and 
vehicles,  and  to  distinguish  their  various  kinds  of  wealth. 
The  governors  are  required  to  report  quarterly  those  num- 
bers to  this  department  in  order  to  form  the  basis  of  ad- 
ministration. Every  three  years  there  is  a “ great  compar- 
ison ” of  all  the  population  and  capital.  During  the  “ great 
comparison  ” this  department  shall  accept  the  statistics  from 
all  the  feudal  states  and  the  crown  provinces.1 

There  is  the  bureau  of  people  for  registering  the  size  of 
the  population.  All  the  people,  from  the  babe  who  has  teeth 
up  to  the  man,  are  recorded  in  the  census.  This  bureau 
distinguishes  their  residence,  whether  in  the  city,  the  suburb, 
or  the  country,  classifies  them  according  to  sex,  and  adds 
births  and  deducts  deaths  annually.  During  the  “ great 
comparison  ” of  every  three  years  this  bureau  reports  the 
census  to  the  department  of  justice.  In  the  tenth  month 
the  minister  of  justice  presents  the  census  to  the  emperor. 
The  emperor  accepts  it  kneeling,  and  keeps  it  in  the  sacred 
college.  The  imperial  historian,  the  auditor  and  the  prime 
minister,  respectively,  keep  duplicates  in  order  to  help  the 
administration  of  the  emperor.2 

According  to  the  Official  System  of  Chou,  there  is  a statis- 
tical comparison  of  the  distribution  of  population  by  sex. 
In  order  to  facilitate  a study  of  the  statistics  of  population. 


1 Ch.  xi. 


3 Ch.  xxxv. 


LABOR— POPULA  TION 


299 

we  may  present  its  statements  in  the  form  of  a table,  as 
follows : 1 


Province 


Male  Female 


Yang  Chow 2 

King  Chow 1 

Yii  Chow  . , 2 

Ts'ing  Chow 2 

Yen  Chow 2 

Yung  Chow 3 

Yu  Chow 1 

Ki  Chow  5 

Ping  Chow 2 


S 

2 

3 
3 
3 

2 

3 
3 
3 


However  far  from  the  truth  these  figures  may  be,  the  table 
shows  that  in  the  majority  of  the  provinces  the  number  of 
females  was  greater  than  that  of  males.  It  is  interesting  to 
know  that  a predominance  of  females  is  not  merely  a mod- 
ern phenomenon,  but  was  a phenomenon  of  ancient  times. 
This  is  probably  because  hard  work  and  nervous  strain  have 
chiefly  fallen  upon  men. 

From  the  Official  System  of  Chou  we  see  how  careful  the 
emperor  was  to  learn  the  size  of  the  population.  The  statis- 
tics described  not  only  the  population,  but  also  all  kinds  of 
capital  goods.  In  a word,  the  governmental  power  touched 
the  actual  life  of  the  people  in  every  aspect.  It  was,  however, 
not  a despotism,  but  a democracy,  because  the  local  officers 
who  exercised  the  governmental  power  were  the  people 
themselves.  In  the  Chou  dynasty,  under  feudalism,  the 
political  division  was  small  and  somewhat  independent,  and 
the  ruler  held  by  hereditary  right,  so  that  the  ruling  class 
and  the  subject  knew  each  other  very  well,  and  administra- 
tion was  easy.  Since  the  Ch'in  dynasty  (331  A.  K.  or  221 


1 Ch.  xxxiii. 


300  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

B.  C.),  however,  under  the  absolute  monarchy,  the  central 
government  has  directly  controlled  the  whole  empire,  and 
the  governors  have  been  only  temporary  officers,  so  that  the 
mandarin  and  the  people  are  strangers,  and  the  administra- 
tion is  necessarily  inefficient.  Therefore  China  could  not 
get  even  an  accurate  census,  because  the  government  has 
kept  aloof  from  the  people.1 

The  importance  of  the  study  of  population  is  summed  up 
by  Hsu  Kan  (died  in  768  A.  K.  or  217  A.  D.)  as  follows: 

A peaceful  government  is  dependent  upon  the  prosperity  of 
industry,  the  prosperity  of  industry  upon  the  equality  of 
public  labor,  and  the  equality  of  public  labor  upon  the  accur- 
acy of  the  census.  Therefore,  the  accuracy  of  the  census  is 
the  foundation  of  the  administration  of  a state.  . . . Indeed, 
the  number  of  population  is  the  source  of  everything,  and 
everything  takes  it  as  a standard.  To  distribute  the  land,  to 
impose  the  taxes,  to  produce  the  products,  to  regulate  sala- 
ries and  wages,  to  do  the  public  work,  to  raise  the  army,  to 
establish  the  national  institutions,  to  adjust  the  household 
economy,  to  observe  the  social  and  moral  laws,  and  to  set  aside 
the  punishment,  all  these  are  the  results  of  a careful  study  of 
the  number  of  population.2 

In  short,  population  is  the  basis  of  social,  political,  and  eco- 
nomic adjustments. 

II.  LAW  OF  POPULATION 

i.  Population  and  Land 

In  connection  with  the  policy  of  dealing  with  population, 
the  first  thing  is  the  work  of  settlement.  According  to  the 

1 Cf.  infra. 

1 General  Research  on  Literature  and  Authorities,  written  by  Ma 
Tuan-lin,  a great  authority  at  the  beginning  of  the  Yuan  dynasty,  pub- 
lished in  1873  (1322  A.  D.),  ch.  xii. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


3QI 


“ Royal  Regulations  ” this  is  in  charge  of  the  minister  of 
works.  With  the  various  instruments  he  measures  the  land 
for  the  settlements  of  the  people.  He  distinguishes  the  geo- 
graphical situations,  such  as  the  mountains  and  rivers,  the 
oozy  ground  and  marsh ; and  he  observes  also  the  temper- 
ature of  the  four  seasons.1  In  short,  the  first  principle  is 
that  the  population  must  be  adjusted  to  the  natural  en- 
vironment. 

Second,  the  density  of  population  must  agree  with  the 
extent  of  the  land.  The  “ Royal  Regulations  ” says : 

In  settling  the  people,  the  land  is  measured  for  the  formation 
of  cities,  and  then  measured  again  in  smaller  portions  for  the 
allotments  of  the  people.  The  land  and  the  population  must 
agree  with  each  other.  There  is  no  land  left  out  of  use,  and 
none  of  the  people  left  to  wander  about  idle.2 

We  should  not  miss,  however,  the  most  important  point 
which  governs  these  two  principles,  namely,  governmental 
control  of  population.  Since  the  minister  of  works  has 
charge  of  the  settlement  of  the  people,  it  is  he  who  distrib- 
utes the  people  in  accordance  with  the  natural  environment 
and  the  land,  and  not  the  people  themselves.  Although  the 
government  may  simply  follow  what  the  people  want,  it 
takes  very  active  measures.  Therefore,  the  distribution  of 
population  is  a function  of  the  government. 

The  government,  however,  must  be  in  harmony  with  the 
real  interest  of  the  people,  and  it  should  not  change  their 
adaptation  to  the  environment.  Confucius  says  : 

The  sage  kings  showed  their  sense  of  the  state  of  harmony 
in  the  following  way:  they  did  not  make  the  occupants  of  the 
hills  remove  and  live  by  the  streams,  nor  the  occupants  of  the 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  228. 


3 Ibid.,  p.  230. 


302  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

islands  remove  and  live  in  the  plains ; and  thus  the  people 
complained  of  no  hardship.1 

The  commentator  says  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  hills  are 
interested  in  the  animals;  those  of  the  islands  in  the  fishes 
and  salt ; and  those  of  the  plains  in  the  different  kinds  of 
grain.  The  government  should  let  them  live  respectively  in 
those  localities  to  which  they  have  been  accustomed,  and 
should  not  change  their  occupations  and  make  hardships  for 
them.  If  the  people  lose  their  occupation,  they  will  be  poor ; 
and  if  they  are  poor,  they  will  give  way  to  unbridled  license. 
Therefore,  the  governmental  distribution  of  population  is 
necessarily  harmonious  with  the  people  themselves. 

The  principle  that  the  population  must  agree  with  the  ex- 
tent of  the  land  is  held  by  all  the  scholars.  In  702  (151 
A.  D. ),  Tsui  Shih  says  that  the  ancient  sages  distributed  the 
cultivated  land  to  every  man,  and  the  land  was  proportional 
to  the  population.  Now,  in  some  provinces  the  population 
is  dense  and  the  land  is  insufficient  to  support  it,  while  in 
other  provinces  the  population  is  sparse  but  the  land  is  un- 
cultivated, although  it  is  fitted  for  the  growing  of  grain. 
The  old  plan  of  removing  the  poor  people  who  cannot  have 
their  own  occupation  to  those  places  where  the  land  is  plenty 
should  here  be  followed.  This  is  a policy  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  land  and  the  help  of  the  people.2  This  theory 
of  Tsui  Shih’s  represents  the  common  idea  of  the  Chinese. 

In  the  Southern  Sung  dynasty,  the  capital  was  in  Hang- 
chow, Chekiang  province,  and  surrounding  the  capital  there 
was  an  over-population.  Therefore,  Yeh  Shih  (1701-1774 
A.  K.  or  1 1 50- 1 223  A.  D.)  proposed  to  remove  the  surplus 
from  the  over-populated  regions  to  those  that  were  under- 
populated. He  says : 


1 Li  Ki,  bk  vii,  p.  392. 


1 General  Research,  ch.  ii. 


LABOR— POP  U LA  TION 


3°3 


The  importance  of  the  administration  of  a state  lies  in  the 
possession  of  the  people.  If  the  people  are  many,  the  land  is 
developed,  the  taxes  are  increased,  the  public  laborers  are 
numerous,  and  the  army  is  strong.  . . . Therefore,  when  there 
are  people,  they  must  be  directed  to  the  development  of  the 
land.  If  the  land  is  developed,  the  taxes  are  increased. 
Therefore,  when  they  live  at  home  they  can  do  the  public  labor, 
and  when  they  go  abroad  they  can  become  soldiers.  But  this 
is  not  the  case  now.  They  are  caused  to  live  in  poverty  and 
suffering,  because  they  have  no  land  to  establish  their  own 
occupation.  Those  who  are  dull  and  unskilful  become  loun- 
gers or  dependent  servants,  and  those  who  are  strong  and 
selfish  become  small  dealers  or  robbers.  They  can  roughly  get 
food  for  the  morning  and  evening,  but  cannot  make  a home. 
Even  during  a good  year,  when  food  is  cheap,  the  people 
are  afraid  that  they  cannot  get  even  a pint  or  a peck  of  it. 
Generally,  those  who  can  pay  the  taxes  and  serve  the  public 
labor  are  less  than  one-third  of  the  whole  population.  The 
landowners  do  not  till  the  land  themselves,  and  the  tillers  own 
no  land.  Therefore,  although  the  population  multiplies  and 
prospers,  it  cannot  be  of  any  use  to  the  state.  . . . Under  such 
circumstances  no  land  can  be  developed  and  no  tax  be  in- 
creased. The  people  simply  gather  together  for  the  getting 
of  food  and  clothes  by  means  of  robbery  and  stealth.  It  makes 
their  habits  covetous,  licentious,  deceitful,  luxurious,  and  with- 
out faithful  and  honest  conduct.  Such  a people,  however, 
how  can  it  be  thrown  away  like  spoiled  fish  or  flesh  ? 

His  conclusion  is  that  they  should  be  removed  to  the  under- 
populated provinces.  By  this  means  more  land  will  be  de- 
veloped, more  taxes  will  be  collected,  and  the  people  can  be 
either  soldiers  when  they  are  abroad,  or  public  laborers  when 
they  are  at  home.  Therefore,  the  wealth  of  a nation  will 
naturally  grow  up  without  special  effort.  This  he  considers 
a very  important  part  of  public  policy.1 


1 General  Research,  ch.  xi. 


304  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

It  should  be  noticed  that  both  Tsui  Shih  and  Yeh  Shih 
are  more  in  favor  of  agriculture  than  of  industry.  Al- 
though the  commercial  and  industrial  cities  can  maintain 
more  population,  they  think  that  the  condition  of  the  poor 
is  very  bad,  because  they  are  merely  dependents.  Hence, 
they  both  use  the  term  “ own  occupation  ” for  the  object  of 
their  advocacy.  In  order  to  make  the  poor  have  their  own 
occupation  and  become  independent  of  the  rich,  the  only 
thing  the  state  can  do  is  to  give  them  free  land.  Since  the 
land  of  the  cities  where  the  poor  concentrate  is  not  enough, 
they  cannot  have  any  free  land  unless  they  are  removed  to 
the  under-populated  places.  Therefore,  the  theory  of  Tsui 
Shih  and  Yeh  Shih  is  to  enable  the  poor  to  have  an  occupa- 
tion which  can  be  called  their  own.  In  other  words,  they 
want  to  make  the  dependent  laborers  become  independent 
farmers.  If  they  should  see  the  factory  system  of  to-day, 
they  would  advocate  their  plan  still  more  strongly. 

The  above-mentioned  policy  of  moving  the  population  is 
based  on  economic  pirnciples,  and  we  have  entirely  omitted 
those  policies  based  on  military  defense.  But  we  should 
give  a few  details  about  the  removal  of  population  in  ancient 
times.  In  383  A.  K.  (169  B.  C.)  Chao  Tso  (died  398 
A.  K. ) says : 

I have  heard  that,  in  ancient  times,  the  moving  of  population 
from  a distance  to  the  empty  land  was  like  this : In  the  first 
place,  the  temperature  of  the  climate  is  examined  into,  the 
taste  of  the  water  tested,  the  fitness  of  the  soil  judged,  and  the 
richness  of  the  plants  looked  into.  Then  the  city  is  established 
and  the  walls  built,  the  streets  fixed  and  the  houses  separated, 
the  roads  of  the  farms  connected  and  the  boundaries  of  the 
field  divided.  Their  houses  are  first  built.  Each  house  has 
one  hall,  two  chambers,  and  the  different  doors.  Within  the 
house  the  articles  and  instruments  are  laid  down.  The  people 
may  have  residence  when  they  come,  and  have  something  for 


LABOR— POPULATION 


305 


use  when  they  work.  Therefore  the  people  are  encouraged  in 
moving  to  the  new  city,  and  do  not  mind  leaving  their  old 
homes.  Furthermore,  they  are  given  doctors  for  the  cure  of 
their  sickness  and  priests  for  the  exercise  of  their  worship. 
Between  the  two  sexes,  the  people  have  marriage ; for  birth 
and  death,  they  help  each  other ; for  the  funeral,  they  have  a 
common  cemetery.  Their  plants  are  flourishing,  their  animals 
are  growing,  and  their  houses  are  complete  and  comfortable. 
All  these  make  the  people  feel  their  place  pleasant  and  dispose 
them  to  live  there  permanently.' 

From  such  a description  we  can  see  how  active  the  govern- 
ment was  when  it  moved  the  people.  This  is  a very  val- 
uable statement,  because  it  gives  some  details  of  the  ancient 
system. 

Since  the  Han  dynasty,  the  policy  of  moving  population 
has  been  carried  into  effect  many  times.  For  an  example 
we  may  select  the  decree  of  Ming  T‘ai  Tsu,  which  was 
given  in  1921  A.  K.  (1370  A.  D.).  It  runs  thus: 

The  five  prefectures,  Suchow,  Sungkiang,  Kiahsing,  Huchow 
and  Hangchow,1 2  are  over-populated.  The  people  cannot  have 
land  for  cultivation,  and  usually  pursue  the  secondary  occu- 
pations without  getting  sufficient  food.  In  Linhao,3  my  native 
prefecture,  the  land  is  not  developed,  and  there  is  un- 
opened wealth  in  the  ground.  The  people  of  those  five  pre- 
fectures who  own  no  land  should  be  directed  to  go  there  for 
the  cultivation  of  land.  The  land  which  they  may  cultivate 
shall  be  given  to  them  for  their  private  property.  They  shall 
be  supplied  with  money,  food,  oxen  and  seed,  and  they  shall 
be  exempted  from  taxation  for  three  years.  The  distribution 
of  land  shall  be  according  to  the  number  of  men  and  their 

1 History  of  Han,  ch.  xlix. 

1 In  the  provinces  of  Kiangsu  and  Chekiang. 

5 The  present  prefecture  of  Fungyang,  Anhui  province. 


306  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

physical  sufficiency,  but  none  shall  be  allowed  to  own  too 
much  land.1 

This  decree  is  a general  provision  for  the  removal  of  popu- 
lation. 

This  question  will  arise:  Why  should  the  government 
control  the  distribution  of  population?  Under  the  theory 
of  free  competition,  the  population  would  naturally  distrib- 
ute itself  nicely.  But  there  are  many  circumstances  under 
which  competition  is  not  free,  and  especially  among  poor 
people.  In  the  first  place,  they  will  not  care  to  move,  be- 
cause it  is  human  nature  to  become  attached  to  the  old 
place.  In  the  second  place,  they  do  not  know  how  to  move, 
because  they  do  not  know  what  place  is  good  for  them. 
A number  of  obstacles,  such  as  the  differences  of  dialects, 
customs  and  climates,  and  especially  the  poor  transportation, 
all  prevent  them  from  moving.  In  the  third  place,  they  can- 
not move  themselves  by  their  empty  hands.  Therefore,  the 
moving  of  population  by  the  government  is  a necessary 
thing.  It  is  a good  policy,  first,  for  the  poor  themselves, 
and  next,  for  the  nation  as  a whole.  It  is  good  not  only  for 
their  economic  life,  but  also  for  their  moral  and  social  con- 
ditions, and  many  other  things.  Moreover,  this  policy  is 
not  compulsory,  but  voluntary.  The  government  gives  only 
the  inducement  to  encourage  their  hope,  but  not  force  to 
increase  their  fear.  Therefore,  government  control  of  popu- 
lation is  a good  thing. 

In  the  present  day,  as  the  population  of  China  is  dense  in 
the  east  and  the  south,  but  sparse  in  the  west  and  the  north, 
she  should  move  the  people  from  the  former  to  the  latter. 
She  should  move  not  only  the  poor,  but  also  the  rich,  be- 

1 Continuation  of  the  Ceneral  Research  on  Literature  and  Aufhorities, 
edited  under  the  imperial  direction  of  Kao  Tsung,  and  published  in 
2335  (1784  A.  D.),  ch.  ii. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


30  7 


cause  the  rich  have  capital.  She  should  move  not  only  the 
manual  laborers,  but  also  the  professional  men,  because  those 
men  have  more  intellectual  power.  Such  a great  movement 
must  be  carried  on  by  the  state,  in  order  to  make  Manchuria, 
Mongolia,  Chinese  Turkestan  and  Tibet  nearly  equal  to 
China  proper.  Building  railroads,  increasing  political  dis- 
tricts, establishing  public  schools,  distributing  free  land, 
starting  factories,  and  developing  every  kind  of  industry — 
all  of  these  will  encourage  the  immigrants  and  improve  the 
natives.  The  state  should  give  a number  of  immunities  and 
privileges  to  the  immigrants;  otherwise  they  will  not  mi- 
grate. Moreover,  she  should  select  the  best  natives  from 
among  those  regions  to  come  to  the  most  important  cities  to 
study  everything,  in  order  to  assimilate  the  Chinese  civiliza- 
tion and  spread  it  among  their  own  people.  In  a word,  she 
should  unify  the  whole  empire  for  the  realization  of  the 
“ great  uniformity  ” of  Confucius.  There  is  no  reason  why 
there  should  be  a distinction  between  China  proper  and  the 
rest  of  the  state.  This  has  become  the  public  opinion  in 
China  to-day. 


2.  Population  and  Food 

The  relation  of  population  and  food  is  indicated  by  Con- 
fucius himself.  He  says : “ The  important  things  for  a 
government  are  the  people  and  food.”  1 The  commentator 
says  that  the  people  are  important  because  they  are  the  root 
of  a state,  and  that  the  food  is  important  because  it  is  the 
life  of  the  people.  Therefore,  it  has  become  the  common 
saying  of  the  Chinese : “ The  state  regards  the  people  as 
its  root,  and  the  people  regard  the  food  as  their  heaven.” 
The  relation  between  population  and  food  is  familiar  to 
every  one,  and  especially  since  the  doctrine  of  Malthus  was 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  351. 


308  THE  economic  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

set  forth.  According  to  him,  if  the  population  increases  be- 
yond the  proportional  increased  or  acquired  produce  of  the 
country,  the  deaths  will  shortly  exceed  the  births,  unless  an 
emigration  takes  place.1  Therefore,  the  increase  in  popu- 
lation is  dependent  upon  the  supply  of  food.  For  the  misery 
of  the  unfortunate  population,  Mencius  gives  a similar  ex- 
pression. When  he  talked  to  King  Hui  of  Liang,  he  said 
that  the  rulers  of  Ch‘in  and  Ch‘u  robbed  the  people  of  their 
time,  so  that  they  could  not  plough  and  weed  their  fields. 
The  results  were  that  their  parents  suffered  from  cold  and 
hunger,  and  that  their  brothers,  wives,  and  children  were 
separated  and  scattered  abroad.2  Again,  when  he  talked  to 
Duke  Mo  of  Tsau,  he  said  that,  in  calamitous  years  and 
years  of  famine,  the  old  and  weak  have  been  found  dying 
in  the  ditches  and  water-channels,  and  the  able-bodied  have 
been  scattered  about  to  the  four  quartets.3  Therefore,  ac- 
cording to  Mencius,  when  there  is  an  insufficiency  of  food, 
there  are  two  things  for  the  people — emigration  and  death. 
These  are  the  two  positive  checks  to  population. 

For  the  adjustment  between  population  and  food,  Men- 
cius has  the  great  principle  of  political  economy,  shown  in 
the  conservation  of  natural  resources,  the  tsing  fieri  system, 
the  control  of  prices,  etc. ; that  is,  to  increase  wealth  in  gen- 
eral and  not  to  increase  food  in  particular.  How  can  he 
approve  a half  measure  which  does  not  increase  the  food  at 
all,  but  simply  distributes  it  in  accordance  with  the  condition 
of  the  people?  The  King  Hui  of  Liang  said  to  Mencius 
that,  when  the  year  was  bad  on  the  inside  of  the  river,  he 
removed  as  many  of  the  people  as  he  could  to  the  east  of 
the  river,  and  conveyed  grain  to  the  country  on  the  inside; 
and  that  when  the  year  was  bad  on  the  east  of  the  river,  he 

1 The  Principle  of  Population,  Ashley’s  edition,  pp.  39-40. 

2 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  135-6.  3 Ibid.,  p.  173. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


309 


acted  correspondingly.  He  spoke  of  such  measures  with 
great  pride,  but  Mencius  did  not  give  him  his  approval. 
The  reason  is  that  a ruler  should  adopt  the  fundamental 
principle  for  the  permanent  increase  of  the  wealth  of  the 
people,  and  should  not  resort  to  the  temporary  removal  of 
either  people  or  food,  as  a great  measure.1 

3.  Population  and  Wealth 

The  most  important  support  of  the  population  is  not  land, 
nor  food,  but  wealth.  If  we  have  more  wealth,  we  may 
utilize  the  land  either  more  extensively,  or  more  intensively, 
or  both ; and  we  may  produce  more  food.  Therefore,  the 
relation  between  population  and  wealth  is  the  fundamental 
thing.  This  principle  was  recognized  by  Confucius.  When 
he  went  to  Wei,  as  we  have  mentioned  above,2  he  gave  his 
impression  from  his  carriage  by  saying,  “ How  numerous 
are  the  people!”  “ Since  they  are  thus  numerous,”  asked 
Jan  Yu,  “ what  more  shall  be  done  for  them?”  “ Enrich 
them,”  was  the  reply.  By  this  answer  Confucius  indicated 
that  wealth  is  most  important  for  the  population.  As  soon 
as  the  population  is  large,  the  first  thing  is  the  increase  of 
wealth.  Although  he  did  not  give  the  details  as  regards 
how  the  enrichment  was  to  be  made,  such  a general  state- 
ment covers  the  whole  economic  field.  Indeed,  whatever 
can  make  the  people  rich  is  the  thing  which  should  be  used 
for  the  support  of  population. 

Confucius  appreciated  a large  population,  because  it  is  an 
indication  of  national  prosperity.  But  he  did  not  think  that 
a large  population  is  good  when  its  wealth  is  not  equally 
distributed.  He  said  that  we  should  not  be  troubled  lest  the 
people  should  be  few,  but  should  be  troubled  lest  they  should 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  129- 132. 

2 Cf.  supra,  pp.  94-95. 


310  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

not  have  equality  of  wealth.  If  they  have  equality  of 
wealth,  they  will  have  no  poverty,  and  they  will  be  in  a con- 
dition of  harmony.  If  they  are  harmonious,  their  number 
will  not  be  few.1  Therefore,  no  matter  whether  the  popu- 
lation is  large  or  small,  wealth  is  most  important  for  avoid- 
ing poverty  and  bringing  harmony.  Since  Confucius  was 
not  a pure  economist,  but  a general  reformer,  he  spoke  of 
the  wealth  of  the  people  from  the  distributive,  ratber  than 
from  the  productive,  point  of  view.  But  his  view  is  quite 
correct.  For  if  wealth  were  not  equally  distributed,  the 
population  as  a whole  would  suffer  from  poverty  and  lack 
of  harmony,  even  though  its  production  were  great. 

The  relation  between  population  and  wealth  is  also  pointed 
out  by  the  “ Miscellaneous  Records.”  First,  a large  terri- 
tory must  be  sufficient  to  support  a corresponding  popula- 
tion. Second,  the  same  number  of  population  must  have 
the  same  efficiency.  “ If  there  is  a large  territory,  and  the 
people  be  not  correspondingly  numerous,  the  superior  man 
regards  it  as  a shame.  If  another  government  has  the  same 
population  as  his  own,  but  has  a double  efficiency,  the 
superior  man  regards  it  as  a shame.”  2 The  word  superior 
man  refers  to  either  the  ruler  or  the  officer.  The  first  de- 
fect comes  from  the  fact  that  he  cannot  make  the  wealth 
sufficient  to  support  a large  population  in  correspondence 
with  the  extent  of  the  land,  and  this  causes  the  people  to 
desert  his  territory.  Therefore,  even  though  the  land  is 
plentiful,  the  population  is  sparse,  because  population  de- 
pends not  merely  upon  the  land,  but  upon  the  wealth.  In 
the  second  case,  although  he  possesses  the  same  density  of  , 
population  as  does  his  neighbor,  the  merit  of  his  neighbor 
is  double  his.  This  means  that  he  has  the  same  number  of 
men,  but  accomplishes  only  half  the  work  of  his  neighbor. 

1 Cf.  infra. 

2 Cf.  infra,  p.  165. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


311 

This  points  out  the  difference  between  the  size  of  the  popu- 
lation and  the  efficiency  of  production.  The  mere  posses- 
sion of  a large  population  is  of  no  use,  unless  it  gives  a cor- 
responding amount  of  production.  Therefore,  if  the  large 
territory  cannot  support  a large  population,  and  the  large 
population  cannot  give  a large  production,  these  two  cases 
are  both  regarded  by  the  superior  man  as  his  shame.  In 
short,  wealth  must  be  in  accordance  with  the  population. 

III.  MIGRATION  OF  POPULATION. 

i.  Freedom  of  Movement. 

The  fundamental  principle  underlying  the  problem  of 
population  is  the  freedom  of  movement.  According  to  the 
principles  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  there  is  a division  of 
territory,  but  there  is  no  division  of  people.  This  means 
that  the  people  may  either  emigrate  or  immigrate,  without 
a permanent  residence.  Under  such  a principle  the  people 
have  perfect  freedom  of  movement.  When  the  government 
is  good  the  people  immigrate,  and  when  it  is  bad  they  emi- 
grate. The  number  of  people  is  the  index  of  the  political 
condition  of  the  government  and  the  economic  condition  of 
the  people.  Therefore,  the  merit  of  the  officials  is  tested  by 
the  examination  into  the  size  of  population. 

The  chief  cause  of  emigration  is  economic.  So  long  as 
the  people  are  satisfied  with  their  economic  condition,  they 
will  stay  even  though  there  might  be  some  other  great  evils. 
When  Confucius  passed  by  the  side  of  Tai  Mountain,  and 
saw  a woman  who  was  wailing  bitterly  by  a grave,  he  sent 
Tzu-lu  to  question  her.  She  said:  “ Formerly,  my  father- 
in-law  was  killed  here  by  a tiger.  My  husband  was  also 
killed  by  another:  and  now  my  son  has  died  in  the  same 
way.”  Confucius  said  : “ Why  do  you  not  leave  the  place?” 
The  answer  was,  “ There  is  no  oppressive  government  here.” 
He  then  said  to  his  pupils:  “ Remember  this,  my  little  chil- 


312  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

dren.  Oppressive  government  is  more  terrible  than  tigers.”  1 
In  fact,  the  worst  thing  to  drive  the  people  away  is  an  op- 
pressive government,  especially  if  it  touches  the  economic 
life  of  the  people  by  heavy  taxation. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  chief  cause  for  immigration  is  also 
economic.  According  to  Chao  Tso,  people  seeking  their 
economic  interest  anywhere  are  like  water  running  to  a low 
place,  and  they  do  not  choose  any  particular  region  in  the 
four  corners.2  The  mobility  of  population,  then,  is  like 
water.  If  the  economic  interest  of  one  locality  is  greater 
than  that  of  another,  the  people  will  emigrate  from  the 
latter  to  the  former,  when  there  is  no  obstacle.  Therefore, 
both  emigration  and  immigration  depend  upon  economic 
principles. 

2.  Encouragement  of  Immigration  in  General 

Since  Confucius  regards  immigration  as  a sign  of  good 
government,  he  advocates  the  encouragement  of  it.  Con- 
fucius says : 

If  a ruler  love  propriety,  the  people  will  not  dare  not  to  be 
reverent.  If  he  love  righteousness,  the  people  will  not  dare 
not  to  submit  to  his  example.  If  he  love  good  faith,  the  people 
will  not  dare  not  to  be  sincere.  Now,  when  these  things  ob- 
tain, the  people  from  all  quarters  will  come  to  him,  bearing 
their  children  on  their  backs.3 

He  thus  shows  that  the  immigration  of  the  people  is  the 
result  of  a good  ruler.  When  the  Duke  of  Yeh  asked  Con- 
fucius about  government,  Confucius  said,  “ Good  govern- 
ment obtains  when  those  who  are  near  are  made  happy,  and 
those  who  are  far  off  are  attracted  to  come.”  4 By  this 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  ii,  pp.  190-191. 

5 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  265. 


* History  of  Han,  ch.  xxiv. 
4 Ibid.,  p.  269. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


313 


statement  he  makes  the  immigratoin  of  the  remote  people 
one  of  the  two  objects  of  good  government.  Again,  he  says : 
“ If  remoter  people  are  not  submissive,  all  the  influences  of 
civil  culture  and  virtue  are  to  be  cultivated  in  order  to  attract 
them  to  come ; and  when  they  have  come,  they  must  be 
made  contented  and  tranquil.”  1 Therefore,  to  attract  the 
immigrants  to  come  in  is  the  doctrine  of  Confucius.  This 
means  to  win  the  heart  of  the  people,  and  to  conquer  them 
by  culture  and  virtue. 

Mencius  has  made  a similar  statement.  When  he  talked 
to  King  Hsiian  of  Ch‘i,  he  said : 

Now,  if  your  Majesty  will  institute  a government  whose  ac- 
tion shall  be  benevolent,  this  will  cause  all  the  officers  in  the 
world  to  wish  to  stand  in  your  Majesty’s  court,  and  all  the 
farmers  to  wish  to  plough  in  your  Majesty’s  fields,  and  all  the 
merchants,  both  traveling  and  stationary,  to  wish  to  store  their 
goods  in  your  Majesty’s  market-places,  and  all  traveling  stran- 
gers to  wish  to  make  their  tours  on  your  Majesty’s  roads,  and 
all  throughout  the  world  who  feel  aggrieved  by  their  rulers  to 
wish  to  come  and  complain  to  your  Majesty.2 

In  fact,  this  is  the  condition  of  a royal  government.  It 
makes  the  state  the  center  of  the  immigration  of  the  whole 
world,  and  conquers  the  whole  world  by  the  institutions  of 
benevolent  government  instead  of  military  force.  This  is 
the  real  meaning  of  the  word  “ king  ” or  “ royal  ” in  the 
Confucian  sense.  It  is  universalism  in  contrast  to  im- 
perialism.3 

For  the  encouragement  of  immigration,  exemptions  are 
given  to  the  immigrants.  For  example,  we  may  quote  this 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  308-9. 

2 Classics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  146-7.  The  benevolent  government  means  the 
tsing  tien  system;  cf.  infra,  pp.  501-6. 

3 Cf.  infra. 


3i4  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

passage  from  the  “ Royal  Regulations “ When  the  people 
of  the  noble  families  move  to  the  feudal  states,  they  are  dis- 
charged from  service  for  three  months.  When  the  people 
move  from  the  feudal  states  to  the  noble  families,  they  are 
not  required  to  take  service  for  a round  year.”  1 For  the 
explanation  of  the  text,  K‘ung  Ying-ta  says : 

In  the  feudal  states,  the  land  is  larger,  and  the  public  labor 
requiring  the  people  to  do  service  is  less ; hence  the  people 
desire  it.  Therefore,  they  are  exempted  from  service  only  for 
three  months.  ...  In  the  estates  of  the  noble  families,  the 
land  is  smaller,  and  the  public  labor  is  more.  In  order  to  make 
the  people  like  it,  they  are  exempted  from  service  for  a round 
year. 

From  this  passage  we  may  get  two  points.  First,  it  shows 
the  freedom  of  movement.  The  people  may  move  either 
from  the  noble  estates  to  the  feudal  states,  or  vice  versa,  as 
they  please.  Second,  it  shows  the  real  encouragement  of 
immigration,  because  the  immigrants  get  some  material  gain 
from  such  an  exemption. 

The  Confucian  theory  is  exactly  the  opposite  of  actual 
conditions  in  American  and  European  countries.  While  the 
restriction  and  the  exclusion  of  immigrants  in  the  United 
States  is  based  mainly  on  the  economic  struggle — that  is, 
the  laborers  want  to  get  more  money — the  theory  of  Con- 
fucius is  based  on  politics,  ethics  and  religion.  Indeed,  his 
theory  tends  to  make  a universal  empire,  a universal  religion, 
a universal  conception,  a universal  law,  a universal  custom, 
a universal  route,  a universal  language,  a universal  calen- 
dar, etc.  These  ideas  can  be  summed  up  in  a single  word — 
universalism.  Confucius  says : “ When  there  is  the  teach- 
ing. there  shall  be  no  distinction  between  the  races,  nor  be- 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  243. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


315 

tween  the  sexes,  nor  between  the  classes.”  1 From  such  a 
point  of  view  it  is  necessary  to  encourage  immigration  in 
order  to  realize  universalism. 

Under  the  influence  of  Confucius,  China  did  realize  uni- 
versalism to  a great  extent,  although  it  was  imperfect.  Un- 
fortunately, or  fortunately,  the  Opium  War  brought  about 
by  the  English  broke  the  Chinese  peace  and  marked  a most 
important  epoch  in  Chinese  history.  In  the  past,  China  was 
a universal  empire,  and  in  the  present,  she  is  only  one  of 
the  nations  of  the  world.  Since  the  Opium  War,  China 
has  been  forced  to  make  unjust  treaties,  and  such  terms  as 
“ extraterritoriality,”  “ sphere  of  influence,”  “ shall  China  be 
partitioned,”  “ open  door,”  have  been  introduced.  When 
foreigners  come  to  China,  they,  although  not  every  one  of 
them,  threaten  the  national  sovereignty,  deprive  the  indi- 
vidual of  liberty,  violate  the  law  of  the  land,  and  do  any- 
thing they  please.2  The  Chinese,  indeed,  sincerely  welcome 
well-behaved  foreigners,  but  there  can  be  none  who  like  such 
men.  The  ideal  of  Confucian  universalism  is  too  advanced ; 
it  does  not  fit  the  world  which  is  still  full  of  injustice. 
Hence,  China  is  forced  back  to  the  lower  stage  of  a national 
military  state.  We  hope,  however,  that  after  China  shall 
be  strong  enough  to  maintain  peace  against  any  external 
interference,  she  will  by  herself  open  the  door  of  every  part 
to  any  foreigner  under  the  Chinese  jurisdiction,  in  order 
to  realize  Confucian  universalism  and  to  make  a world  state 
by  means  of  the  national  state. 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  305. 

2 A single  instance  must  stand  as  a type  of  multitudinous  insults  and 
oppressions  which  the  Chinese  have  to  endure  in  consequence  of  the 
presence  of  foreigners,  protected  by  extra-territorial  rights.  At  the 
entrance  of  the  Shanghai  Public  Garden  on  the  Bund,  there  is  a notice 
written  in  Chinese  saying : “ Dogs  and  Chinamen  are  not  allowed  to 
come  in,”  posted  by  order  of  the  Municipal  Council,  which  is  com- 
posed entirely  of  the  representatives  of  foreign  residents. 


3 1 6 THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

3.  Encouragement  of  Immigration  of  Artisans  and 
Merchants 

Although  immigration  in  general  has  a great  effect  upon 
the  economic  life  of  a nation,  its  influence  is  far  beyond  the 
economic  field.  Hence,  we  now  come  to  immigration  in 
particular — namely,  the  immigration  of  artisans  and  travel- 
ing merchants.  When  Duke  Ai  asked  Confucius  about 
government,  he  gave  him  the  nine  standard  rules.  Among 
these,  the  seventh  is  to  induce  all  classes  of  artisans  to 
come  in,  and  the  eighth  is  concerned  with  the  indulgent 
treatment  of  foreigners.  The  former  mentions  the  word 
artisans  expressly,  while  the  latter  means  foreign  mer- 
chants especially,  although  it  includes  all  foreigners  in 
general. 

The  happy  effects  of  these  two  rules  and  the  details  of 
practising  them  are  given  by  Confucius  as  follows  : 

By  inducing  all  classes  of  artisans  to  come  in,  wealth  is  made 
sufficient.  By  indulgent  treatment  of  foreigners,  the  people  of 
all  quarters  will  come.  . . . By  daily  examinations  and 
monthly  trials,  and  by  making  their  rations  in  accordance  with 
their  labors : this  is  the  way  to  encourage  all  the  classes  of 
artisans.  To  escort  them  on  their  departure  and  meet  them 
on  their  coming ; to  commend  the  good  among  them,  and  show 
compassion  to  the  incompetent : this  is  the  way  to  treat  for- 
eigners indulgently. 

In  short,  the  government  should  make  the  state  a center  of 
industry  and  commerce.  In  order  to  accomplish  this  aim 
it  must  encourage  immigration. 

It  is  very  important  to  know  that,  although  Confucius  is 
in  favor  of  agriculture,  he  leaves  it  out  of  the  nine  standard 
rules,  and  mentions  only  industry  and  commerce.  In  order 
to  bring  out  this  point  we  must  give  the  nine  standard  rules 
fully.  They  are  as  follows  : ( 1 ) the  cultivation  of  the  per- 


LABOR— POPULATION 


317 


sonality  of  the  ruler,  (2)  the  honoring  of  men  of  virtue 
and  talents,  (3)  affection  toward  relatives,  (4)  respect 
toward  the  great  ministers,  (5)  kind  and  considerate 
treatment  of  the  whole  body  of  officials,  (6)  dealing  with 
the  mass  of  the  people  as  children,  (7)  inducing  all 
classes  of  artisans  to  come  in,  (8)  indulgent  treatment  of 
foreigners,  and  (9)  the  kindly  cherishing  of  the  princes  of 
the  feudal  states.  This  is  a complete  program  of  govern- 
ment. It  begins  with  the  personal  character  of  the  ruler 
himself;  for  such  a purpose  his  familiar  friends  must  be 
men  of  virtue  and  talents.  Then  he  must  be  affectionate 
to  the  relatives  of  his  family,  and  must  be  good  to  all  the 
officials  and  the  people.  These  six  rules  are  all  applied 
within  the  limit  of  his  own  state.  Now,  for  inter- 
national relations,  they  are  governed  by  the  last  three 
rules.  Excepting  the  last  rule  as  a diplomatic  principle,  the 
other  two  are  economic  doctrines.  It  is  interesting  to 
see  that  Confucius  always  regards  economic  life  not  as  a 
national  phenomenon,  but  an  international  one.  Therefore, 
he  'does  not  give  any  economic  principle  until  he  reaches 
the  seventh  and  eighth  rules.  It  is  exactly  for  this  same 
reason  that  the  “ Great  Learning  ” does  not  touch  any  eco- 
nomic problem  until  under  the  last  chapter,  namely,  the 
equalizing  of  the  whole  world.’ 

Now,  we  come  back  to  our  point.  So  far  as  the  nine 
rules  are  concerned,  none  of  them  are  economic  principles 
except  the  seventh  and  the  eighth.  But  these  two  rules  refer 
to  industry  and  commerce  only,  and  agriculture  is  left  out 
entirely.  There  may  be  several  reasons  for  this.  First, 
agriculture  may  be  included  in  industry  and  commerce,  be- 
cause the  one  is  the  primary  industry  and  the  other  two 
are  secondary.  Second,  for  international  competition,  in- 
dustry and  commerce  may  be  preferred  to  agriculture. 


Cf.  supra,  pp.  139-142. 


3 18  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

Third,  since  there  is  a great  immigration  of  “ all  classes 
of  artisans  ” and  “ the  people  of  all  quarters,”  industry  and 
commerce,  rather  than  agriculture,  are  needed  to  support 
such  a large  population.  Confucius  may  have  had  all  these 
three  points  in  mind  as  reasons  for  referring  to  industry 
and  commerce  only  and  leaving  agriculture  out. 

There  is  still  another  point.  For  the  effect  of  the  in- 
dulgent treatment  of  foreigners,  Confucius  mentions  only 
that  “the  people  of  all  quarters  will  come;”  but  for  that 
of  inducing  all  classes  of  artisans  to  come  in,  he  points 
out  very  clearly  that  “ the  wealth  is  made  sufficient.”  There- 
fore, if  a state  wants  to  make  wealth  sufficient,  it  must  re- 
sort to  industry.  Industry  alone  can  create  new  wealth, 
while  commerce  simply  creates  new  value  upon  the  existing 
wealth.  From  this  point  of  view,  we  may  say  that  Confu- 
cius knows  the  importance  of  industrial  capital.  All  those 
points  mentioned  above  are  the  economic  principles  of  Con- 
fucius.1 

Although  the  policy  of  “ inducing  all  classes  of  arti- 
sans to  come  in  ” has  not  been  realized  in  China,  it  has 
been  carried  out  very  successfully  in  England  and  the  United 
States.  During  the  reigns  of  Edward  III  and  of  Elizabeth, 
the  immigration  of  Flemish  workmen  gave  a great  impetus 
to  English  industry.  It  has  also  contributed  to  the  progress 
of  the  United  States  since  2371  A.  K.  or  1820  A.  D.  Had 
the  immigrants  not  come,  the  United  States  would  not 
have  been  so  prosperous  as  at  present.  Unfortunately,  since 
China  stood  as  an  isolated  country  for  a long  period,  this 
policy  did  not  have  any  marked  effect  upon  her,  because  the 
workmanship  of  the  surrounding  countries  was  much  lower 
than  that  of  China.  To-day,  by  the  change  of  methods, 
China  really  demands  a great  number  of  skilled  workmen. 
But  the  political  interference  of  foreign  countries  is  a 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  pp.  408-411. 


LABOR— POP  ULA  TION 


3:9 


temporary  bar  to  block  this  demand.  We  are  sure,  how- 
ever, that  such  a bar  cannot  last  very  long,  and  that  the 
principle  of  “ inducing  all  classes  of  artisans  to  come  in  ” 
will  have  a great  triumph  in  the  future. 

4.  Absence  of  Race  Question 

According  to  the  principles  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  a 
nation  is  called  either  civilized  or  uncivilized,  not  on  account 
of  blood,  or  of  geography,  but  on  account  of  true  civiliza- 
tion— rites  and  justice.  There  is  no  race  or  state  which  can 
permanently  assume  the  title  of  civilized  nation  unless  its 
actions  be  just.  This  is  the  principle  of  Confucius:  hence, 
the  Chinese  have  no  race  question  at  all. 

The  absence  of  race  questions  in  China  is  due,  however, 
not  only  to  the  teachings  of  Confucius,  but  also  to  geo- 
graphical causes.  As  China  is  located  in  the  greatest  con- 
tinent, together  with  great  mountains  and  rivers,  she  has 
produced  one  great  people,  and  has  had  no  opportunity  for 
a race  question.  Every  one  can  see  from  Chinese  history 
that  China  has  accepted  any  religion  and  any  race  from  any 
part  of  the  world.  The  so-called  barbarians  were  made  not 
only  common  citizens,  but  also  prominent  officials,  either 
civil  or  military,  and  feudal  princes.  Although  we  have  no 
full  knowledge  about  the  earliest  history,  from  the  Chou 
dynasty  to  the  present  day,  China  has  had  no  race  prejudice 
against  any  other  nationality. 

The  best  example  of  this  was  given  by  the  Tang  dynasty. 
In  1181  A.  K.  (630  A.  D.),  after  the  Turkish  nation  was 
destroyed,  besides  those  who  ran  to  the  West,  the  number 
who  surrendered  to  the  Tang  dynasty  was  about  one  hun- 
dred thousand.  Tang  T‘ai  Tsung  ordered  his  courtiers  to 
debate  on  the  treatment  of  the  Turks.  Some  one  wanted 
to  drive  them  back  to  their  old  place.  But  Wun  Yen-po 

said : 


J2Q 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


An  emperor  to  the  myriad  of  things  is  like  the  covering  of 
heaven  and  the  containing  of  earth  without  any  exclusion. 
Now,  the  Turks  come  to  us  because  they  are  powerless.  Why 
should  we  refuse  them?  Confucius  said  that  when  there  is 
the  teaching,  there  should  be  no  distinction  between  the  races. 
If  we  relieve  them  from  death,  give  them  economic  occupa- 
tions, and  teach  them  rites  and  justice,  after  several  years  they 
will  be  entirely  our  citizens.  Then  we  can  select  their  chiefs 
to  come  to  the  capital  and  to  become  the  imperial  guards. 
Thus  they  will  fear  our  power  and  love  our  virtue.  What 
will  be  the  danger  in  the  future? 

T‘ai  Tsung  finally  used  this  policy.  He  divided  their  terri- 
tory into  several  provinces,  and  appointed  their  leaders  as 
the  governors.  When  the  Turkish  chiefs  came  to  court, 
they  were  all  appointed  as  military  commanders,  and  occu- 
pied offices  in  the  court.  Above  the  fifth  official  rank,  they 
amounted  to  more  than  one  hundred  persons,  nearly  half 
of  the  number  of  the  Chinese  courtiers.  Hence,  the  Turks 
living  in  the  capital  were  about  ten  thousand  families.1 
This  shows  how  broad-minded  the  Chinese  people  are.  Even 
when  the  Turks  were  conquered,  they  gave  them  imme- 
diately equality  of  political  rights.  Indeed,  they  put  the  bar- 
barian races  upon  the  same  footing  with  their  own.  and 
assimilated  them. 

We  may  ask  a question : Why  did,  and  does,  the  race 
problem  arise  in  the  western  world?  It  seems  that  it  is 
due  to  geographical  smallness.  Since  Europe  is  not  a real 
continent,  but  only  a peninsula  of  Asia,  there  are  many 
geographical  subdivisions  and  many  small  islands  and  penin- 
sulas. In  such  an  environment.  European  sectional  feeling 
has  been  fostered.  In  ancient  times,  the  Greeks  and  the 
Romans,  except  Alexander  and  Caesar,  knew  only  the  city- 

1 General  Political  History,  published  in  1635  (1084  A.  D.)  by  Ssu- 
ma  Kuang,  ch.  cxciii. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


321 


state.  Even  in  the  Republic  of  Plato,  his  idea  is  only  a city- 
state,  and  everything  depends  upon  war.  In  modern  times, 
the  European  race  feeling  is  still  worse.  This  seems  to  be 
the  product  of  the  geographical  situation. 

Now,  we  may  turn  to  the  United  States  of  America.  The 
United  States  was  founded  in  the  new  world  by  virtuous 
men,  and  the  Americans  are  more  broad-minded  than  the 
Europeans.  When  the  nation  grew  a little  older,  however, 
the  old  good-faith  became  less,  and  the  Chinese  Exclusion 
Act  began  (2433  A.  K.  or  1882  A.  D.).  It  seems  that 
race  prejudice  does  not  come  from  the  American  continent 
itself — such  a great  new  world  should  not  produce  such  a 
narrow  idea — but  from  the  European  peninsula,  and  espec- 
ially from  the  new  immigrants.  The  Exclusion  Act  is  an 
extremely  bad  example  to  the  world,  and  is  a serious  blem- 
ish on  the  glorious  American  history.  From  this  point  of 
view,  the  Americans  are  inferior  to  the  Chinese. 

IV.  CONDITIONS  WITH  REFERENCE  TO  POPULATION  IN  CHINA 

The  reasons  for  China’s  large  population  may  be  exam- 
ined from  two  viewpoints — the  relation  of  husband  and  wife 
and  the  relation  of  father  and  son.  In  other  words,  we  may 
explain  it  by  the  customs  of  marriage  and  the  doctrine  of 
filial  piety. 

1.  Marriage 

(a)  Importance  of  Marriage 

The  religion  of  Confucius  is  very  different  from  Budd- 
hism and  Catholicism.  It  offers  no  objection  to  marriage. 
Confucius  regards  marriage  not  only  as  human  happiness, 
but  as  human  duty.  Mencius  says  : “ That  male  and  female 
should  dwell  together  is  the  greatest  of  human  relations.”  1 
The  aged  widower  and  the  aged  widow  are  classified  as 


1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  346. 


322 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  most  unfortunate  people.  If  marriage  is  too  late,  it  is 
regarded  as  unhappiness.  When  Mencius  describes  the 
social  life  of  the  reign  of  T‘ai  Wang  (died  in  680  B.  K. 
or  1231  B.  C. ),  the  grandfather  of  Wen  Wang,  he  says: 
“ At  that  time,  in  the  inside  there  were  no  dissatisfied 
women,  and  in  the  outside  there  were  no  lonesome  men.” 
This  means  that  all  married  at  the  proper  time.  Such  a 
theory  has  a great  influence  on  the  Chinese  population.  In 
China  there  are  practically  no  unmarried  people,  except 
when  under  special  circumstances  they  are  forced  to  leave 
their  families  and  become  Buddhists.  In  fact,  there  are  very 
few  people  who  voluntarily  remain  in  single  life.  Hence, 
the  Chinese  population  is  the  largest  in  the  world. 

(b)  Day  of  Marriage 

Although  Confucius  thinks  that  marriage  is  necessary, 
he  does  not  make  the  day  of  marriage  early.  A man  takes 
the  first  ceremony  of  marriage — that  is,  the  capping — at 
twenty  years,  and  has  a wife  at  thirty.  A woman  takes  the 
first  ceremony — that  is,  binding  up  the  hair  with  the  hair- 
pin— at  fifteen,  and  marries  at  twenty.  If  she  has  not  been 
engaged,  she  will  assume  the  hair-pin  at  twenty,  and  under 
some  circumstances  she  may  marry  at  twenty-three.1  This 
general  rule  is  given  in  the  Record  of  Rites  and  many  other 
books.  It  makes  the  day  of  marriage  so  late  not  as  a check 
to  the  growth  of  population,  but  as  a provision  for  physical 
development  and  personal  responsibility.  The  Great  Com- 
mentary of  the  Canon  of  History  says  that  the  woman  may 
marry  at  twenty  years,  because  at  that  time  she  can  under- 
stand all  the  family  duties  and  domestic  science,  otherwise 
she  could  neither  serve  her  parents-in-law,  help  her  husband, 
nor  breed  her  children. 

During  the  Han  dynasty  (491  A.  K.  or  61  B.  C.),  Wang 
1 Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  pp.  478-9- 


LABOR— POPULATION 


323 


Chi  proposed  his  theory  of  marriage  to  the  emperor.  He 
thought  that  marriage  is  the  primary  form  of  social  rela- 
tionship and  determines  the  length  of  life.  If  the  day  of 
marriage  is  too  early,  the  pair  may  have  children  when  they 
do  not  understand  their  parental  duties.  Therefore,  the 
moral  influence  is  weak,  and  the  people  frequently  die  pre- 
maturely. Moreover,  if  the  expenditure  on  marriage  has 
no  limit,  poor  people,  either  men  or  women,  cannot  marry. 
Therefore,  they  do  not  want  to  raise  children.  1 This 
theory,  although  it  was  not  carried  out  by  law,  is  a general 
thought  of  the  Chinese. 

There  are  two  points  in  this  discussion.  One  is  to  im- 
prove the  physical  condition  of  the  people  by  the  postpone- 
ment of  marriage,  in  order  to  increase  the  average  length 
of  life.  The  other  is  to  encourage  the  marriage  of  the  poor, 
in  order  to  increase  the  population.  They  are  not  checks, 
but  aids,  to  population.  In  China,  as  ceremony  is  very 
important  and  social  relation  is  very  close,  marriage  is 
very  expensive  on  both  the  male  and  the  female  side,  even 
among  the  poorest  people.  Therefore,  the  Chinese  always 
try  to  reduce  its  expense  by  reforms  of  custom,  in  order  to 
make  marriage  easy.  In  short,  the  people  generally  think 
that  men  or  women  are  happier  married  than  alone,  and 
that  wealth  will  be  increased  as  the  number  of  men  in- 
creases. Generally  speaking,  the  Chinese  marry  earlier  than 
Confucius  prescribes.2 

1 History  of  Han,  ch.  lxxii. 

2 In  Confucius’  time,  Wu  and  Yiieh  were  the  two  rival  states.  When 
Wu  conquered  Yiieh  (58  A.  K.  or  494  B.  C.),  she  did  not  take  it  for 
her  own  possession.  After  peace  was  made,  the  king  of  Yiieh  estab- 
lished this  policy : The  young  men  should  not  take  the  old  women,  nor 
the  old  men  the  young  women.  When  a girl  at  seventeen,  or  3 man  at 
twenty,  had  not  married,  their  parents  were  held  guilty.  When  a 
woman  was  about  to  give  birth  to  a child,  the  king  should  be  informed 
beforehand ; then  she  was  cared  for  by  the  public  physician.  If  the 


324 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


(c)  Exogamy 

There  are  two  important  customs  which  have  brought 
about  the  large  population  of  China — the  one  is  exogamy 
and  the  other  polygyny.  In  Tso’s  Commentary  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  first  institution  is  given  as  follows : “ When  hus- 
band and  wife  are  of  the  same  clan,  their  children  do  not 
prosper  and  multiply.”  1 This  is  a biological  principle  dis- 
covered eighty-six  years  before  Confucius.  But  this  prin- 
ciple had  been  in  practice,  by  law,  since  the  time  of  the  Duke 
of  Chou  (about  564  B.  K.  or  1 1 1 5 B.  C.).  The  Record 
of  Rites  says:  “According  to  the  rule  of  Chou,  there  is  no 
intermarriage  among  the  same  clan,  even  after  a hundred 
generations.”  2 This  means  that  there  is  no  intermarriage 
of  the  male  lines  of  the  common  remotest  ancestor.  This 
rule  has  been  observed  by  all  the  Chinese.  From  this  prin- 
ciple, on  the  one  hand,  the  Chinese  have  enlarged  their  own 
race;  on  the  other,  they  have  assimilated  all  other  races. 
About  three  thousand  years  ago  different  races  commingled 
in  China,  as  the  Americans  do  now. 

According  to  the  principles  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn,  a 
man  should  not  marry  the  relatives  of  his  mother.  The 
reason  here  is  the  same  as  that  a man  should  not  marry  the 
daughter  of  the  same  clan.  This  principle  is  also  applied 
to  the  lines  of  the  sisters  of  his  father.  In  the  Lazv  Code 
of  the  Ts‘ing  Dynasty  this  principle  is  applied  to  a very  great 

child  was  a boy,  two  pots  of  wine  and  a dog  were  given ; if  a girl,  the 
same  amount  of  wine  and  a pig.  If  the  mother  gave  birth  to  three 
children,  the  king  supplied  a nurse;  to  two  children,  he  supplied  food. 
He  took  different  kinds  of  food  with  him  while  traveling,  in  order  to 
feed  children.  These  were  his  policies  for  the  increasing  of  population 
for  military  purposes.  Twenty-one  years  later,  he  succeeded  in  con- 
quering Wu  and  took  it  for  his  own. — Narratives  of  Nations,  bk.  xx. 

1 Classics,  vol.  v,  pt.  i,  p.  187. 

2 Li  Ki,  bk.  xiv,  p.  63. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


325 


extent.1  Such  exogamy  has  two  great  reasons:  On  the 
ethical  side,  it  promotes  the  moral  sense  and  prevents  the 
people  from  falling  in  love  with  their  relatives.  On  the 
biological  side,  it  gives  physical  betterment  to  the  couple 
themselves  and  multiplies  their  offspring.  This  is  the  sec- 
ond point  which  has  a great  effect  upon  the  question  of 
population. 

(d)  Polygyny 

For  the  explanation  of  the  Chinese  population,  the  prac- 
tice of  polygyny  must  also  be  referred  to.  It  was  an  old 
custom,  and  it  was  not  abolished,  but  reformed,  by 
Confucius.  According  to  his  regulation,  the  emperor  may 
have  twelve  females ; the  prince,  nine ; the  great  official, 
three;  the  student,  two;  the  common  people,  only  one. 
Some  authorities  say  that  the  emperor  and  the  prince  both 
may  have  only  nine  females.  Therefore  we  may  take  the 
marriage  of  the  prince  as  the  maximum  example.  When 
the  prince  marries  a queen  from  a foreign  nation,  she  takes 
her  younger  sister  and  niece  along  with  her ; then  two  other 
nations  respectively  send  one  companion  to  her,  together 
with  the  companion’s  younger  sister  and  niece,  the  whole 
party  being  nine  females. 

The  reason  the  emperor  and  the  prince  may  have  nine 
females  is  that  they  represent  the  sovereignty  of  the  state  and 
their  succession  is  very  important.  If  they  have  no  son 
from  these  nine  females,  however,  they  have  no  reason  to 
take  any  more.  Their  marriage  is  finished  at  this  one  time ; 
no  second  marriage  is  allowed.  They  must  marry  girls  out- 
side of  their  own  state.  All  these  regulations  make  them 
more  respectful  and  prevent  them  from  loving  other  women. 
The  younger  sisters  and  nieces,  although  they  may  be  too 
young,  must  accompany  the  queen  at  the  time  of  marriage, 


1 Ch.  x. 


326  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

but  later  return  to  their  own  states  and  remain  there  until 
the  age  of  twenty.  Why  does  the  queen  or  the  companion 
take  her  younger  sister  and  niece  along?  It  is  that  there 
may  be  no  jealousy;  when  one  of  them  has  a son,  the  three 
will  have  the  same  pleasure.  Why  does  she  not  take  two 
younger  sisters  instead  of  the  niece?  It  is  because  the 
physical  condition  of  the  niece  may  differ  from  that  of  her 
sister.  Why  does  the  prince  take  girls  from  three  different 
states?  It  is  for  the  diversification  of  the  races,  lest  the 
girls  of  the  same  state  have  the  same  blood  and  give  no  son 
at  all.  In  short,  all  these  details  make  the  emperor  and  the 
prince  sure  to  have  more  sons — a political  necessity. 

The  reason  the  great  official  may  have  three  females  is 
in  honor  of  the  wise  and  able  man,  and  because  of  the  im- 
portance of  continuing  his  lineage.  Below  the  class  of  great 
official,  the  student  may  have  two  females.  For  the  com- 
mon people  there  is  monogamy:  hence  they  are  called 
“ single  man  and  single  woman.” 

Although  Confucius  did  not  abolish  polygyny,  he  did 
reform  it.  At  that  time  the  emperor  regularly  had  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-one  females;  the  prince  must  have  had 
more  than  nine : the  great  official  more  than  three ; the  stu- 
dent more  than  two ; and  the  common  people  more  than  one. 
But  he  reduced  the  number  to  a certain  limit  and  did  not 
allow  the  emperor  and  the  prince  to  marry  a second  time. 
By  these  means  he  markedly  checked  the  prevailing  custom. 
During  his  age,  all  the  great  officials,  not  only  the  emperor 
and  the  princes,  held  their  office  by  hereditary  right;  hence, 
the  succession  of  their  family  was  an  important  thing.  More- 
over, Confucius  himself  thought  that  the  perpetuation  of 
family  is  a great  duty  of  man.  Therefore,  he  did  not.  and 
could  not,  abolish  polygyny  entirely. 

Confucius’  reason  for  not  abolishing  polygyny — that  is, 
that  a family  may  perpetuate  its  lineage — applies  especially 


LABOR— POPULATION 


327 


to  the  feudal  stage.  But  we  must  understand  that  Confu- 
cius is  in  favor  of  monogamy.  Although  the  emperor,  the 
prince,  the  great  official,  and  the  student  may  have  more 
than  one  female,  each  of  them  has  only  one  wife.  The 
other  females  are  concubines,  simply  for  the  producing  of 
sons,  and  they  cannot  be  called  wives.  Since  a son  is  very 
important  for  the  paternal  family,  and  one  wife  may  fail 
to  give  birth  to  a son,  the  concubine  is  recognized  by  Con- 
fucius. But  Confucius  himself  did  not  have  any  concubine, 
although  he  had  the  right  to  have  two.  In  the  Canon  of 
Changes , he  says : “ When  two  women  live  together,  their 
minds  do  not  move  in  the  same  direction.”  Again  he  says : 
“ When  two  women  live  together,  their  minds  do  not 
agree  with  each  other.”  1 From  his  own  practice  and  from 
these  two  passages,  we  may  be  sure  that  he  is  in  favor  of 
monogamy.  Indeed,  polygyny  is  for  the  Disorderly  Stage, 
and  monogamy  for  the  Advancing  Peace  Stage. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  the  Chinese  do  not  follow  the  regu- 
lations of  Confucius.  They  may  have  as  many  concubines 
as  their  condition  allows,  although  there  must  be  a natural 
limit.  This  is  an  evil  custom,  indeed,  but  it  still  has  some 
merit.  From  the  moral  and  social  point  of  view,  since  a 
man  may  have  concubines  openly,  he  will  not  resort  to  pros  • 
titution  or  illegitimate  intercourse.  From  the  economic 
point  of  view,  it  may  relieve  some  poor  girls  from  deep 
poverty.  But  most  important  of  all  is  that  the  practice  of 
polygyny  has  increased  the  population  to  a great  extent. 
This  is  the  reason  why  we  discuss  it  here.  The  Chinese, 
however,  are  likely  to  change  polygyny  into  monogamy  be- 
fore very  long. 


1 Yi  King,  pp.  243,  253. 


328  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

2.  Doctrine  of  Filial  Piety 
(a)  Perpetuation  of  the  Family 

In  the  world  there  is  no  nation  that  has  perpetuated  its 
people  as  a particular  race  so  long  as  has  China.  It  is  the 
contribution  of  Confucius,  because  he  preaches  the  doctrine 
of  filial  piety.  According  to  this  doctrine  the  perpetuation 
of  the  family  is  the  chief  duty  of  man.  Confucius  says : 
“ Since  the  parents  have  given  birth  to  a son,  it  is  the  per- 
petuation of  the  human  race,  and  there  is  nothing  greater 
than  this.”  1 Hence,  a son  must  continue  the  line  of  his 
parents.  Mencius  says  : “ There  are  three  things  which  are 
unfilial;  but  to  have  no  posterity  is  the  greatest  of  them.”  2 
The  other  two  unfilial  things  are,  according  to  Chao  Ch‘i 
(died  752  A.  K.  or  201  A.  D.),  the  commentator,  first,  by 
a flattering  assent  to  encourage  parents  in  unrighteousness ; 
and  second,  not  to  succor  their  poverty  and  old  age  by 
engaging  in  official  service.  To  be  without  posterity  is  a 
fault  greater  than  these,  because  it  is  an  offense  against  the 
whole  line  of  ancestors  and  terminates  the  sacrifices  to  them. 

In  short,  by  the  statement  of  Confucius,  to  give  birth  to 
a son  is  the  greatest  contribution  of  the  parents  to  society 
as  a whole;  and  by  that  of  Mencius,  to  have  no  posterity  is 
the  greatest  offense  of  a son  against  all  his  ancestors. 
Therefore,  the  perpetuation  of  the  family  is  the  chief  duty 
of  both  father  and  son. 

Since  we  have  already  discussed  the  doctrine  of  filial  piety 
(and  the  custom  of  ancestor-worship)  from  the  religious 
and  ethical  point  of  view,  we  shall  now  look  at  it  only  from 
its  influence  on  the  Chinese  population.  Under  the  influence 
of  Confucius,  every  one  wants  to  marry  in  order  to  have 
sons.  The  parents  can  never  be  satisfied  until  they  finish 

1 Sacred  Books,  vol.  iii,  p.  479. 

2 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  313. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


329 

for  their  children  the  proceeding  of  marriage,  which  they 
regard  as  an  obligation.  Among  very  poor  families,  it  is 
even  the  social  duty  of  their  friends  to  help  them  to  marry. 

If  one  has  no  son,  he  may  take  a concubine  in  the  hope 
of  having  posterity,  and  his  wife  almost  always  agrees  to  it. 
If  he  has  no  prospect  of  having  a son,  he  may  adopt  a son, 
either  from  his  own  clan  or  from  another.  Sometimes  even, 
when  he  dies  prematurely,  not  having  married  at  all,  his 
family  adopts  a son  for  him,  in  order  to  continue  his  lineage. 

(b)  Return  to  the  Parents 

While  the  perpetuation  of  the  family  is  the  strongest 
motive  impelling  the  Chinese  to  have  sons,  another  stimulus 
is  the  expected  return  to  the  parents.  Since  we  have  al- 
ready discussed  this  principle,  there  is  no  need  of  any  fur- 
ther explanation.  We  now  simply  point  out  that  it  has  a 
great  influence  upon  the  Chinese  population.  As  we  have 
seen,  China  makes  the  support  of  parents  a positive  law. 
The  parents  usually  derive  their  support  from  their  sons. 
Although  the  sons  are  not  necessarily  dutiful  enough  to 
support  their  parents,  the  custom  has  behind  it  a very  strong 
public  opinion;  hence,  the  return  to  the  parents  is  a general 
expectation.  Therefore,  when  one  has  no  son,  he  regards  it 
as  the  greatest  of  misfortunes.  First,  he  is  afraid  that  his 
lineage  will  be  extinguished.  Second,  he  has  no  hope  of 
being  supported  in  his  old  age.  Third,  even  when  he  has 
no  need  of  support,  he  needs  a son  as  an  object  of  pleasure, 
a performer  of  social  and  religious  duties,  etc.  In  fact,  de- 
sire for  sons  among  the  Chinese  is  stronger  than  among 
any  other  people. 

The  return  to  the  parents  may  be  divided  into  two  cate- 
gories. One  is  the  material  return.  Since  the  support  of 
parents  is  an  obligation  of  the  sons,  the  parents  claim  the 
duties  from  their  sons  as  creditors  from  debtors.  Hence, 


330 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


the  bringing-up  of  children  may  be  regarded  as  a provision 
for  the  later  part  of  life.  Indeed,  it  is  equivalent  to  an  in- 
surance policy,  providing  a sickness  benefit,  unemployment 
benefit,  old-age  benefit,  funeral  benefit,  etc. 

The  other  is  the  immaterial  return,  and  it  may  be  divided 
into  three  things.  First,  the  son  may  return  honor  to  his 
parents  during  their  life.  Ts'eng  Tzu  says:  “He  whom 
the  superior  man  pronounces  filial  is  he  whom  all  the  people 
of  his  state  praise,  saying  with  admiration,  ‘ Happy  are  the 
parents  who  have  such  a son  as  this !’ — that  indeed  is  what 
can  be  called  being  filial.”  1 Second,  he  may  return  honor 
to  them  after  their  death.  Confucius  says  that  to  make 
our  name  famous  in  future  ages,  and  thereby  glorify  our 
parents,  is  the  end  of  filial  piety.2  The  “ Pattern  of  the 
Family  ” says : 

Although  his  parents  be  dead,  when  a son  is  inclined  to  do 
what  is  good,  he  should  think  that  he  will  thereby  transmit  the 
good  name  of  his  parents,  and  carry  his  wish  into  effect. 
When  he  is  inclined  to  do  what  is  not  good,  he  should  think 
that  he  will  thereby  bring  disgrace  on  the  name  of  his  parents, 
and  in  no  wise  carry  his  wish  into  effect.3 

Since  Confucius  regards  the  name  as  a very  important  thing, 
the  parents  have  expectations  from  the  glory  of  their  sons. 
In  China,  whatever  official  title  a son  may  get  may  be  trans- 
mitted to  his  parents  either  during  their  life  or  after  their 
death,  and  also  to  his  grandparents  and  great-grandparents. 
Third,  the  son  may  return  homage  to  his  parents  in  the  form 
of  ancestor-worship.  Thus  we  can  see  how  the  principle  of 
the  returns  to  parents  helps  to  bring  about  China’s  great 
population. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  xxi,  pp.  226-7.  2 See  supra,  p.  112. 

* Li  Ki,  bk.  x,  p.  457. 


LABOR— POPULATION 


33r 


V.  HISTORICAL  STUDY  OF  POPULATION 

The  word  population  is  expressed  in  the  Chinese  language 
by  two  words,  “ door  ” and  “ mouth.”  “ Door  ” means  a 
family,  and  “ mouth  ” a person.  But  we  do  not  like  to 
translate  the  word  “door  ” into  the  word  family,  because 
China  had  the  “door  tax,”  which  made  the  people  conceal 
their  families,  and  the  word  “door  ” cannot  represent  the 
word  family.  For  the  same  reason,  the  people  concealed 
their  number  in  order  to  escape  the  “ mouth  tax,”  and  so 
the  word  “ mouth  ” cannot  represent  the  word  person.  We 
shall  use  these  original  words,  “door  ” and  “ mouth,”  to 
stand  as  a picture  of  the  historical  Chinese  population,  and 
give  our  population  statistics  in  those  terms.  Although  it 
is  too  far  from  the  real  figures,  it  is  the  only  way  by  which 
we  can  get  any  idea  about  the  history  of  Chinese  population. 
Therefore,  we  shall  give  the  most  important  figures,  whether 
the  largest  or  the  smallest,  of  the  most  important  periods,  in 
the  form  of  a table.  From  the  table  we  can  judge  some- 
thing not  only  about  the  real  population,  but  also  about  the 
economic,  social  and  political  conditions. 


Population  of  China  at  Different  Periods 


332 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


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2393  “ 22d  year  of  Ts‘ing  Hsiian  Tsung  1 '413,020,000 


LABOR— POP  ULA  TION 


333 


The  above  table  shows  the  size  of  the  population  of  China 
proper  throughout  all  the  ages,  and  is  based  mostly  upon 
the  Three  General  Researches.1  Their  materials  came  from 
history,  and  those  of  history  came  from  the  official  reports. 
All  the  figures  of  this  table  are  quoted  from  the  Three  Gen- 
eral Researches  except  those  for  the  years  219  A.  K.  and 
352  A.  K.,  which  are  estimates.  At  the  end  of  the  Yuan 
dynasty,  about  1918  A.  K.,  although  it  is  an  important 
period,  we  cannot  make  an  estimate,  because  there  is  no 
basis.  All  the  dates  of  this  table  are  also  quoted  from  the 
Three  General  Researches ; but  in  a few  cases  dates  are  un- 
certain, and  we  have  inserted  the  word  “ about  ” to  indicate 
that  the  dates  may  not  be  exact.  All  the  figures  and  dates 
of  this  table  are  based  on  a very  careful  study. 

1.  Inaccuracy  of  this  Table 

The  statements  of  this  table  are  very  far  from  accurate. 

(1)  In  the  reigns  of  Hsia  Yu,  of  Chou  Ch'eng  Wang  and 
of  Chou  Chuang  Wang,  there  are  no  real  records  in  regard 
to  the  population,  but  only  the  estimates  of  Huang-fu  Mi 
(766-833  A.  Iv.  or  215-282  A.  D.),  a great  authority. 

(2)  The  most  trustworthy  figures  are  those  of  the  Han 
dynasty. 

(3)  Among  the  Three  Kingdoms,  about  814,  the  Wei 
kingdom  and  the  Shu  kingdom  both  had  only  943,423  doors 
and  5,372,891  mouths.  After  Tsin  Wu  Ti  succeeded  to  the 
Wei  kingdom,  which  included  the  Shu  kingdom,  he  con- 
quered the  Wu  kingdom  in  831  and  took  530,000  doors  and 
2,300,000  mouths  by  his  conquest.  The  total  number  of  these 
two  sets  of  figures  in  831  was  1,473,423  doors  and  7,672,891 

‘They  are  (1)  the  General  Research  on  Literature  and  Authorities, 
chs.  x-xi ; (2)  the  Continuation  of  the  General  Research  on  Literature 
and  Authorities,  chs.  xii-xiii ; and  (3)  the  General  Research  on  Liter- 
ature and  Authorities  of  the  Present  Dynasty,  ch.  iii. 


334 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


mouths.  Why  should  Tsin  Wu  Ti  in  the  same  year  (831) 
have  2,459,804  doors  and  16,163,863  mouths?  Although 
from  814  to  831  the  number  of  the  first  would  increase,  it 
could  hardly  have  doubled  in  the  short  space  of  seventeen 
years.  It  seems  that  the  historian’s  mistake  arose  from 
taking  the  number  of  the  population  toward  the  close  of 
Wu  Ti’s  reign  (about  840)  and  putting  it  in  the  year  when 
he  had  just  reunited  the  whole  empire  (831). 

(4)  The  Tang  dynasty  began  in  1169,  and  had  lasted 
137  years  in  1305.  At  that  time  the  people  enjoyed  a long 
golden  age,  and  the  population  must  have  increased.  Tu  Yu 
says:  “ It  should  at  least  have  thirteen  or  fourteen  millions 
of  doors.”  But,  according  to  this  table,  in  1305  it  had  only 
9,619,254  doors. 

(5)  In  the  Former  Han  dynasty,  the  average  number  of 
mouths  for  ten  doors  was  more  than  48 : in  the  Latter  Han 
dynasty  it  was  52  mouths,  and  in  the  Tang  dynasty,  58 
mouths.  But  in  the  Sung  dynasty  it  was  only  21  mouths. 
There  is  no  reason  why  one  family  should  have  only  two 
persons.  For  instance,  in  1774.  the  12,670,801  doors  of  the 
Sung  dynasty  had  only  28,320,085  mouths.  But  in  1758. 
the  7,684,438  doors  of  the  Kin  dynasty  had  45,816,079 
mouths.  There  is  no  reason  why  the  Sung  dynasty,  which 
had  doors  nearly  double  those  of  the  Kin-  dynasty,  should 
have  about  half  as  many  mouths  as  the  latter.  According 
to  this  table,  each  door  of  Kin  had  more  than  six  mouths. 
If  we  should  take  a rate  as  low  as  five  mouths  to  each  door. 
Sung  should  have  63,354,005  mouths.  Adding  the  mouths 
of  Kin  on  this  reasonable  estimate,  China  should  have  had 
at  least  109.170,084  mouths  in  1758. 

(6)  The  census  of  the  Ming  dynasty  is  still  worse.  We 
select  the  figures  only  about  its  beginning  and  its  end.  In 
1932  the  revolutionary  war  had  only  recently  ended,  and 
in  1954  the  civil  war  was  just  finished.  If  the  population 


LABOR— POPULATION 


335 


at  those  periods  had  grown  as  large  as  this  table  shows, 
why  should  it  become  smaller  in  the  later  peaceful  time? 
In  fact,  China  was  never  able  to  get  a census  that  was  even 
approximately  accurate  until  2300. 

2.  Causes  of  the  Inaccuracy 

Why  did  China  not  have  an  accurate  census?  There  is 
a sound  reason  for  it.  Because  China  had  a monarchical 
government  it  did  not  touch  the  people  closely,  and  because 
the  people  did  not  directly  enjoy  political  interest  very  much 
they  tried  to  escape  from  the  taxes.  Since  the  “door  tax  ” 
and  the  “ mouth  tax  ” depended  entirely  upon  the  number 
of  the  population,  the  people  had  to  conceal  their  number  in 
order  to  evade  the  taxes : hence,  none  understood  the  real 
population.  In  the  Han  dynasty  the  two  taxes  were  very 
light,  so  that  the  numbers  of  the  population  were  more  trust- 
worthy. After  that  time,  the  two  taxes  were  higher,  but  the 
number  of  the  population  was  lower.  Why  did  the  gov- 
ernment, however,  not  exercise  its  force  in  order  to  get  the 
full  amount  of  taxes?  It  is  because  the  government  was 
under  the  Confucian  influence.  The  Confucian  doctrines, 
such  as  “Love  the  people.”  “light  tax,”  and  “benevolent 
government,”  were  familiar  to  all  the  rulers.  Hence,  the 
Chinese  government  generally  never  dared  to  exercise  a des- 
potic force  directly  upon  the  people.  If  the  people  wanted 
to  conceal  anything,  the  government  could  not  find  it  out, 
because  it  did  not  control  the  actual  life  of  the  people. 
Moreover,  the  mandarin  would  have  some  deep  ideas.  For 
example,  when  Ma  Jen-wang  1 made  his  census  he  finished 
it  in  less  than  twenty  days.  Some  one  was  surprised,  and 
questioned  him.  He  said : “ If  the  numbers  of  population 
were  taken  inclusively  without  remainder,  it  will  induce  the 


1 He  was  made  minister  of  the  Liao  dynasty  in  1664  ( 1 1 13  A.  D.). 


^36  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


trouble  of  a heavy  tax  in  the  future.  Generally,  taking  six 
or  seven  out  of  ten  is  quite  enough.”  But  we  must  not 
make  such  a mistake  as  to  think  that  the  Confucians  do  not 
care  to  have  an  accurate  census.  Indeed,  the  Confucians 
regard  the  population  as  the  most  important  thing  and  value 
highly  an  accurate  census.  A light  tax  is  one  thing,  but 
an  accurate  census  is  another.  Yet,  on  account  of  the  door 
tax  and  the  mouth  tax,  China  could  not  get  a good  census. 

3.  Significance  of  this  Table 

Although  this  table  is  inaccurate,  it  is  still  valuable.  If 
one  could  completely  understand  these  figures  he  would  be 
able  to  master  the  whole  Chinese  history.  The  really  hered- 
itary monarchical  empire  was  founded  by  Hsia  Yu.  At 
that  time  the  population  was  more  than  thirteen  millions. 
The  beginning  of  the  Chou  dynasty  was  a golden  age.  As 
China  in  about  564  B.  K.  had  more  than  thirteen  millions 
of  population,  she  should  possess  much  more  two  hundred 
years  later,  because  this  peaceful  period  lasted  for  about 
three  hundred  years.  We  may  think  that  this  period  fos- 
tered the  most  wonderful  civilization  of  the  period  of  Spring 
and  Autumn  (171  B.  K.-71  A.  K.)  and  that  of  Warring 
States  (149-33 1 A.  K.). 

As  a destroyer  of  population,  war  is  the  worst  influence. 
According  to  this  table,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Han  dy- 
nasty the  population  lost  five-sixths ; in  the  beginning  of 
the  Latter  Han  dynasty,  about  two-thirds;  in  the  Three 
Kingdoms,  about  six-sevenths ; in  the  latter  part  of  the 
Southern  and  Northern  Dynasties,  about  three-fourths ; in 
the  beginning  of  the  Tang  dynasty,  about  two-thirds;  in 
the  reign  of  Tang  Su  Tsung,  within  the  period  of  only  five 
years,  it  lost  over  two-thirds:  in  the  beginning  of  the  Sung 
dynasty,  about  two-fifths ; in  the  beginning  of  the  Southern 
Sung  dynasty,  more  than  half ; in  the  beginning  of  the  Yuan 


LABOR— POPULATION 


337 


dynasty,  measured  by  the  number  of  the  “doors,”  it  lost 
over  one-third;  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  dynasty  it 
lost  about  three-fifths.  From  this  point  of  view,  the  revo- 
lutionary war  was  a great  calamity.  It  not  only  destroyed 
the  population,  but  retarded  civilization. 

In  Chinese  history,  when  her  civilization  advanced  to  a 
high  level,  it  was  dragged  down  by  warfare.  When,  after 
a long  time,  it  rose  again,  it  fell  again.  It  is  no  wonder 
that  the  Chinese  progressed  so  slowly.  But,  through  mod- 
ern inventions,  such  as  the  railroad,  telegraph,  telephone, 
etc.,  which  will  enable  her  to  change  absolute  monarchy  into 
a really  constitutional  monarchy,  China  may  avoid  such  in- 
ternal wars  as  have  troubled  her  in  the  past,  and  will  per- 
mit her  civilization  continuously  to  progress.  Moreover,  as 
China  can  never  be  concpiered  by  any  external  power,  she 
will  be  able  to  change  a constitutional  monarchy  into  a real 
republic,  and  she  might  form  a world-state  with  the  lead- 
ing nations,  and  might  realize  the  Great  Similarity  of  Con- 
fucius. Then  the  whole  population  of  the  world  will  enjoy 
the  Stage  of  Extreme  Peace  without  any  war. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  the  magnitude  of  the  figures  in 
this  table  does  not  necessarily  reflect  upon  the  reigning 
rulers.  Generally,  the  ruler  of  the  beginning  of  a dynasty 
was  an  able  or  good  man,  and  that  of  its  decay  a weak  or 
bad  man.  But  at  the  beginning  of  a dynasty  the  popula- 
tion would  be  small,  and  about  the  time  of  its  decay  it  would 
be  large;  for  in  the  former  case  it  would  suffer  from  the 
hard  times  of  the  past,  and  in  the  latter  case  it  would  enjoy 
the  good  fortune  of  the  past.  This  table  indicates  only  the 
facts  of  history  and  does  not  show  exactly  what  the  gov- 
ernments were  during  the  given  years.  As  a rule,  how- 
ever, a large  population  would  be  produced  under  a good 
government,  but  such  a result  would  of  course  follow  only 
after  a considerable  period. 


338  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

The  most  wonderful  increase  of  population  was  during 
the  Sui  dynasty.  In  the  first  year  of  Sui  Wen  Ti’s  reign 
(1132  A.  K. ).  he  had  only  9,009,604  mouths.  In  his  ninth 
year  (1140  A.  K.),  he  took  2,000,000  mouths  from  the 
Southern  Chen  dynasty.  The  total  number  was  1 1 ,009,604 
mouths.  But  in  1157  A.  K.,  when  only  twenty-five  years 
had  passed,  his  son  had  46,019,956  mouths.  The  popula- 
tion increased  over  fourfold  within  twenty-five  years.  It 
seems  that  the  figures  for  population  increased  not  on  ac- 
count of  the  birth-rate  only,  but  mainly  on  account  of  the 
system  of  taxation.  After  the  great  statesman  of  Sui, 
named  Kao  Kung,  established  a system  of  taxation  in  favor 
of  the  free  citizens  by  making  the  taxes  light,  the  people  did 
not  like  to  be  the  dependents  of  the  higher  class  for  the  pur- 
pose of  evading  taxes ; hence  the  number  of  citizens  who 
paid  taxes  increased  rapidly.  Indeed,  the  Sui  dynasty  was 
the  richest  one  in  Chinese  financial  history. 

According  to  this  table,  before  2300  the  population  never 
numbered  over  one  hundred  millions.  Why  should  the 
population  figures  of  the  present  dynasty  be  much  larger 
than  those  of  all  the  past  dynasties?  It  is  because  the 
present  dynasty  has  neither  “door  tax  ” nor  “ mouth  tax.” 
In  2212  A.  K.  the  number  was  21,068,609,  an^  in  2262,  24,- 
621,334.  Throughout  fifty  peaceful  years  the  population 
increased  only  3,552,725.  But  in  2300  A.  K.  the  number 
was  177,495,039.  It  increased  more  than  seven  times  in 
the  thirty-eight  years.  Why  should  the  figures  increase  so 
rapidly  as  this?  It  was  because  Sheng  Tsu  had  abolished 
these  two  taxes  in  2263.  His  decree  is  as  follows: 

The  empire  has  been  peaceful  for  a long  time,  so  that  the 
population  increases  numerously.  If  I increase  the  amount  of 
taxes  according  to  the  present  number  of  population,  it  is  not 
right ; for,  although  the  population  becomes  larger,  the  acre- 


LA  BO  R—POP  ULATION 


339 


age  of  land  does  not  become  wider.1  . . . To-day  the  public 
treasury  is  very  rich.  Although  I have  frequently  given  the 
exemption,  which  amounted  to  ten  millions,  for  several  years, 
the  national  expenditure  has  never  any  trouble  of  insufficiency. 
Therefore,  I should  take  the  number  of  people  from  the  pres- 
ent tax-roll  as  a fixed  number  to  be  taxed,  and  the  increased 
population  of  the  future  shall  be  exempted  from  any  additional 
tax.  What  I want  is  merely  the  report  of  the  true  numbers. 

Then  the  legislature  established  the  law  that  the  amount  of 
poll  tax  is  permanently  fixed  according  to  the  number  of  the 
tax-roll  in  the  year  2262,  and  that  the  new  increased  num- 
ber, which  is  called  “ the  increasing  population  of  the  pros- 
perous age,”  shall  never  be  taxed. 

This  marks  a new  epoch  in  Chinese  economic  history. 
The  population  began  to  show  its  approximate  number  in 
2300  A.  K.  Through  thirty-four  years,  to  2334  A.  K.,  the 
population  increased  more  than  half.  Through  fifty-nine 
years,  to  2393  A.  K.,  it  increased  less  than  half.  During 
the  T‘ai-p‘ing  rebellion  (2401-2417  A.  K.)  it  may  have  lost 
a hundred  and  fifty  millions.  Although  the  census  of  the 
present  dynasty  is  still  not  very  accurate,  it  is  near  the  truth. 
In  a few  years,  when  China  shall  have  a regular  parliament, 
accurate  statistics  of  population  should  be  available. 


1 This  suggests  the  Malthusian  doctrine. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


Nature  and  Capital 

i.  NATURE 

i.  The  Five  Elements 

Since  land  is  only  one  part  of  nature,  we  should  first 
consider  all  the  elements  of  nature.  For  this  reason  we 
may  take  up  the  five  elements  as  presenting  an  exhaustive 
classification  of  natural  forces.  Although  the  five  elements 
are  the  basis  of  Chinese  philosophy,  we  are  concerned  here 
with  their  economic  aspects  only. 

The  “ Great  Model  ” puts  the  five  elements  in  the  first 
of  the  nine  categories.  The  first  element  is  water;  the  sec- 
ond, fire;  the  third,  wood;  the  fourth,  metal;  the  fifth,  earth. 
The  five  elements  in  the  Chinese  language  are  called  “ the 
five  movements,”  because  they  move  and  revolve  through- 
out heaven  and  earth  without  ceasing.  In  6 A.  K.  (546 
B.  C.),  Tzu-han,  prime  minister  of  Sung,  says:  “Heaven 
has  produced  the  five  elements  which  supply  men’s  require- 
ments, and  the  people  use  them  all.  Not  one  of  them  can 
be  dispensed  with.”  1 The  Chinese  regard  all  the  five  ele- 
ments as  the  natural  forces  upon  which  human  life  depends 

After  having  given  the  names  of  the  five  elements,  the 
“ Great  Model  ” describes  their  nature.  “ The  nature  of 
water  is  to  soak  and  descend;  of  fire,  to  blaze  and  ascend; 
of  wood,  to  be  crooked  and  to  be  straight;  of  metal,  to 
obey  and  to  change ; while  the  virtue  of  earth  is  seen  in  seed- 

1 Classics,  ' ol.  v,  pt.  ii,  p.  534. 

340 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


341 


sowing  and  ingathering.”  Then  it  gives  the  tastes  of  the 
five  elements : “ That  which  soaks  and  descends  becomes 
salt;  that  which  blazes  and  ascends  becomes  bitter;  that 
which  is  crooked  and  straight  becomes  sour;  that  which 
obeys  and  changes  becomes  acrid;  and  from  seed-sowing 
and  ingathering  comes  sweetness.”  1 The  five  elements  have 
their  several  sounds,  colors  and  airs,  as  well  as  tastes;  but 
the  text  speaks  only  of  their  tastes,  because  they  are  of 
greater  importance  to  the  people  than  the  others,  and  they 
can  be  the  representatives  of  the  others.  Leaving  out  all 
philosophical  points,  we  may  say  that  the  five  elements  are 
the  basis  of  production  and  consumption. 

The  Great  Commentary  of  the  Canon  of  History  says : 
“ Water  and  fire  are  the  things  by  which  the  people  eat  and 
drink ; metal  and  wood  are  the  things  by  which  the  people 
labor;  earth  is  the  thing  upon  which  the  life  of  everything 
depends.  All  these  give  their  utilities  to  man.”  Therefore, 
the  five  elements  are  originally  free  goods,  because  they 
are  produced  by  nature. 

Adding  the  grain  to  the  five  elements,  the  Chinese  call 
them  “ the  six  treasuries.”  Such  a term  first  appears  in 
the  “ Tribute  of  Yu.”  It  says  that  the  six  treasuries  are 
greatly  regulated.2  Because  the  grain  is  the  food  of  the 
people,  they  regard  it  as  equally  important  with  the  five 
elements.  According  to  Tso’s  Commentary,  water,  fire, 
metal,  wood,  earth,  and  grain  are  called  the  six  treasuries. 
They  are  called  treasuries  because  they  are  the  sources  of 
wealth  which  depend  upon  nature.  The  rectification  of  the 
people’s  virtue,  the  conveniences  of  life,  and  the  securing 
abundant  means  of  sustenance,  are  called  “ the  three  busi- 
nesses.” The  six  treasuries  and  the  three  businesses  are 
called  “ the  nine  services.”  3 The  distinction  between  the 

1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  ii,  pp.  325-6.  Ibid.,  pt.  i,  p.  141. 

s Classics,  vol.  v,  pt.  i,  p.  250. 


342  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

six  treasuries  and  the  three  businesses  is  that  the  former 
are  produced  by  natural  power.  But  the  six  treasuries,  al- 
though they  depend  upon  nature,  are  to  be  regulated  by 
human  power.  Therefore,  all  these  are  called  nine  services. 

The  manner  of  regulating  the  six  treasuries  may  be  illus- 
trated by  a few  examples.  In  ancient  times  there  were 
many  officers  controlling  these  six  things.  During  the  reign 
of  Shun,  the  chief  duty  of  the  prime  minister  was  to  regu- 
late water  and  earth.  Even  after  “ the  great  floods  ” had 
been  repressed  (1725  B.  K.  or  2276  B.  C. ),  the  regulation 
of  water  remained  important  to  man.  Irrigation,  naviga- 
tion, and  carrying  off  the  floods  are  examples  of  regulating 
water.  Anciently,  the  regulations  of  fire  were  numerous. 
According  to  the  Official  System  of  Chou,  there  is  a bureau 
of  fire.  In  procuring  fire  by  boring  wood,  certain  woods 
were  assigned  to  be  employed  in  the  four  seasons,  in  order 
to  prevent  the  seasonal  diseases.  In  spring  the  fire  was 
taken  from  the  elm  and  willow ; in  summer,  from  the  date 
and  almond  trees;  in  the  last  month  of  summer,  from  the 
mulberry  and  the  wild  mulberry  trees ; in  autumn,  from  the 
oak  and  the  yu\  in  winter,  from  the  liuai  and  the  tan.  In 
the  third  month  the  people  were  ordered  to  use  fire  for 
pottery  and  foundery.  and  in  the  ninth  month  they  were 
forbidden  to  use  fire  for  this  purpose.  In  the  hunting  of 
the  second  month  fire  was  used  for  the  burning  of  the  old 
grass;  after  that  time  the  people  should  be  fined  if  they  set 
fire  to  the  field  without  permission.1  Metals  and  woods 
were  similarly  regulated  by  rules  in  regard  to  the  manage- 
ment of  mines  and  forests.  As  to  the  regulating  of  the 
earth  and  of  the  grains,  we  shall  speak  later. 


1 Official  System  of  Chou,  ch.  xxx. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL  343 

2.  Control  over  Nature 

The  acme  of  human  power  is  to  control  nature.  If  man 
can  control  nature,  he  is  equal  to  the  Supreme  Power.  But 
how  can  man  have  such  power?  It  is  by  the  most  com- 
plete sincerity.  Indeed,  it  is  the  result  of  the  most  careful 
and  thorough  study  of  the  truth.  This  is  told  by  the  “ Doc- 
trine of  the  Mean.”  It  says : 

It  is  only  he  who  is  possessed  of  the  most  complete  sincerity 
that  can  exist  in  the  world,  who  can  give  its  full  development 
to  his  nature.  Able  to  give  its  full  development  to  his  own 
nature,  he  can  do  the  same  to  the  nature  of  other  men.  Able 
to  give  its  full  development  to  the  nature  of  other  men,  he 
can  give  their  full  development  to  the  natures  of  animals  and 
things.  Able  to  give  their  full  development  to  the  natures  of 
creatures  and  things,  he  can  assist  the  transforming  and  nour- 
ishing powers  of  Heaven  and  Earth.  Able  to  assist  the  trans- 
forming and  nourishing  powers  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  he  may 
with  Heaven  and  Earth  form  a triumvirate.1 

The  doctrine  of  controlling  nature  is  very  clearly  given 
by  Hsun  Tzu.  The  seventeenth  book  of  his  work  is  entitled 
“ Essay  on  Heaven  ”.  He  uses  the  word  heaven  most  often 
in  the  sense  of  nature,  but  we  may  preserve  the  word  heaven. 
He  says : 

Strongly  clinging  to  the  primary  industry  and  saving  expen- 
diture, heaven  cannot  make  you  poor;  when  the  subsistence  is 
complete,  and  working  at  a due  time,  heaven  cannot  make  you 
sick.  ...  If  the  primary  industry  is  neglected,  and  the  expen- 
diture is  extravagant,  heaven  cannot  make  you  rich ; if  the 
subsistence  is  insufficient,  and  the  working  time  is  contrary  to 
the  natural  law,  heaven  cannot  make  you  healthy. 


1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  416. 


344 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


This  shows  that  the  accumulation  of  capital  and  the  preser- 
vation of  labor  are  both  dependent  upon  man,  and  not  upon 
heaven. 

According  to  the  theory  of  Hsun  Tzu,  man  is  the  one 
who  can  form  a triumvirate  with  Heaven  and  Earth.  What 
we  call  “ divine  ” is  simply  “ the  natural  deed.”  A sage 
does  not  care  to  know  the  Heaven,  the  supernatural  power. 
When  a man  has  “ the  natural  feelings  ” and  “ the  natural 
senses,”  the  most  important  thing  for  the  control  of  them 
is  “ the  natural  king,”  the  mind.  To  use  the  mind  for  the 
control  of  those  things  outside  of  the  human  race  is  “ the 
natural  support,”  and  “ the  law  of  natural  selection.” 
Therefore,  when  the  natural  king  is  supreme,  man  “ can 
employ  the  heaven  and  earth  as  the  officers  and  exploit  all 
things  as  the  slaves.”  This  is  a materialistic  and  scientific 
doctrine  in  regard  to  the  relation  of  man  and  nature.  The 
chief  power  is  the  human  mind,  the  natural  king. 

Now,  he  makes  a comparison  between  those  who  can  con- 
trol nature  and  those  who  cannot,  as  follows : 

To  honor  nature  and  to  expect  something  from  it,  is  not  as 
good  as  to  accumulate  things  and  to  shape  them.  To  follow 
nature  and  to  praise  it,  is  not  as  good  as  to  control  what 
nature  has  given  and  to  employ  them.  To  expect  the  time 
and  wait  for  it,  is  not  so  good  as  to  seize  it  and  to  use  it.  To 
increase  the  things  according  to  themselves,  is  not  so  good  as 
to  transform  them  by  the  exercise  of  human  power.  To  wish 
the  thing  and  to  get  the  thing  as  it  is,  is  not  so  good  as  to 
deal  with  the  thing  and  not  to  lose  any  utility  of  it.  To  ex- 
pect the  thing  grown  by  nature,  is  not  so  good  as  to  have  the 
thing  manufactured  by  man.  Therefore,  to  set  aside  the 
power  of  man  and  to  depend  on  the  power  of  nature  is  to  lose 
the  nature  of  everything. 

Hence,  according  to  Hsun  Tzu,  man  is  not  the  dependent 
of  nature,  but  its  controller. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


345 


3.  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources 

The  conservation  of  natural  resources  takes  three  forms. 
The  first  is  the  conservation  of  the  living  creatures.  In 
ancient  times  there  were  four  huntings  in  each  quarter  of 
the  year.  But  Confucius  lays  down  a rule  that  no  hunting 
should  be  held  in  summer,  because  at  that  season  the  crea- 
tures are  growing.  The  “ Royal  Regulations  ” says:  “ To 
hunt  without  observing  the  rules  for  hunting  is  deemed 
cruelty  to  the  creatures  of  Heaven.”  The  rules  of  hunting 
and  fishing  are  these : The  emperor  should  not  surround 
the  hunting-ground,  but  should  leave  one  opening  for  the 
game;  and  the  princes  should  not  take  a whole  herd  by 
surprise.  When  the  wolf  sacrifices  its  prey,  between  the 
ninth  and  the  tenth  month,  the  hunting  commences.  Until 
the  insects  have  all  withdrawn  into  their  burrows,  the  tenth 
month,  fire  should  not  be  used  for  hunting.  When  the 
otter  sacrifices  its  fish,  the  tenth  month,  the  foresters  begin 
to  enter  the  meres  and  dams  for  fishing.  When  the  dove 
changes  into  a hawk,  the  eighth  month,  the  large  and  small 
nets  begin  to  be  set  for  the  catching  of  birds.  They  should 
not  take  fawns,  nor  eggs.  They  should  not  kill  pregnant 
animals,  nor  those  which  have  not  attained  to  their  full 
growth.  They  should  not  throw  down  nests.  These  are 
the  rules  set  forth  in  the  “ Royal  Regulations.”  1 

From  the  ethical  point  of  view  these  rules  are  designed 
to  foster  kindness  and  sympathy,  but  from  the  economic 
point  of  view  they  are  for  the  conservation  of  natural 
resources.  Both  points  are  the  objects  of  these  rules.  For 
the  practicing  of  them  we  may  take  Confucius  as  an  ex- 
ample. The  Analects  tells  that  he  angled,  but  did  not  use 
a net ; and  shot,  but  not  at  birds  perching.2  This  is  the 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  pp.  220-221.  The  note  of  Prof.  Legge  makes  a mis- 
take, because  it  says  that  hunting  is  forbidden  in  autumn. 

2 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  203. 


346  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

principle  of  humanity.  On  the  other  hand,  Mencius  points 
out  the  economic  principle,  as  follows : “ If  close  nets  are 
not  allowed  to  enter  the  pools  and  ponds,  the  fishes  and 
turtles  will  be  more  than  can  be  secured.”  1 The  meshes  of 
a net  were  anciently  required  to  be  four  inches  in  size,  and 
the  people  might  not  eat  fish  under  a foot  long.  Therefore, 
the  conservation  of  the  living  creatures  is  preservation  of 
food  for  the  people. 

The  second  is  the  conservation  of  the  forests.  Mencius 
says:  “ If  the  axes  and  hatchets  enter  the  hills  and  forests 
only  at  the  proper  time,  the  wood  will  be  more  than  can  be 
used.”  2 But  what  is  the  proper  time?  We  may  find  this  in 
the  “ Royal  Regulations.”  It  says,  when  the  plants  and 
trees  drop  their  leaves,  the  tenth  month,  the  people  enter 
the  hills  and  forests  with  the  axes.3  According  to  the  Offi- 
cial System  of  Chou,  there  is  a forester  to  take  charge  of 
the  rules  of  forests.  For  instance,  in  midwinter  the  trees 
on  the  south  of  the  hill  are  cut  down,  and  in  midsummer 
those  on  the  north.  When  the  people  are  admitted  to  cut 
down  the  trees,  they  are  regulated  by  the  number  of  days. 
Although  we  do  not  know  the  length  of  the  time  period,  we 
may  be  sure  that  this  rule  preserved  the  trees.  In  spring 
and  autumn  the  people  should  not  enter  forbidden  places  to 
cut  down  trees,  although  they  may  cut  the  wild  trees.  If 
the  people  steal  trees  during  the  forbidden  time,  they  should 
be  fined.4  These  rules  are  for  the  conservation  of  the 
forests. 

The  third  is  the  conservation  of  the  mines.  The  “ Doc- 
trine of  the  Mean  ” says  that  the  precious  treasuries  are 

1 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  130. 

2 Ibid. 

5 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  221. 

4 Official  System  of  Chou,  ch.  xvi. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


347 


found  on  the  mountains,1  but  it  does  not  touch  the  conser- 
vation of  them.  The  “ Royal  Regulations  ” says  that  the 
famous  mountains  and  great  meres  are  not  conferred  on 
any  feudal  lords  either  within  or  without  the  imperial 
state.2  This  rule  has  two  points.  On  the  distributive  side 
it  is  against  monopoly,  which  will  be  discussed  later.  On 
the  productive  side  it  is  for  the  conservation  of  natural 
resources.  Since  all  the  famous  mountains  and  the  great 
meres  are  under  the  control  of  the  central  government,  no 
one  can  exhaust  the  natural  wealth.  According  to  the  Offi- 
cial System  of  Chou,  all  the  lands  which  produce  gold,  jade, 
tin,  and  precious  stones  are  controlled  by  the  miner,  an 
official.  He  makes  severe  prohibitions,  and  orders  the 
people  of  their  neighborhood  to  guard  them.  If  any  mine 
is  opened  at  a proper  time,  he  draws  a map  of  it,  and  gives 
it  to  those  who  dig  the  mine.  Around  those  lands  he  looks 
after  the  prohibitions  and  orders.3  These  are  the  rules  for 
the  conservation  of  the  mines. 

The  fundamental  principle  underlying  the  conservation 
of  natural  resources  is  the  law  of  diminishing  returns. 
Although  this  law  is  not  expressed,  it  is  clearly  implied. 

4.  Influence  of  Natural  Environment 
While  nature  is  a factor  of  production  and  is  controlled 
by  man,  it  has  in  turn  a great  influence,  modifying  man. 
The  “ Royal  Regulations  ” says : 

In  all  the  settlements,  the  physical  capacities  of  the  people  are 
sure  to  be  according  to  the  sky  and  earthly  influences,  as  cold 
or  hot,  dry  or  moist.  Where  the  wide  valleys  and  the  large 
rivers  are  different  in  shape,  people  born  in  them  have  differ- 

1 Classics,  vol.  i,  p.  421. 

3 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  pp.  21 1-2. 

3 Official  System  of  Chou,  ch.  xvi. 


348  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

ent  customs.  The  measure  of  their  temperaments,  as  hard  or 
soft,  light  or  grave,  slow  or  rapid ; the  taste  of  their  prefer- 
ences as  to  flavors ; the  fashion  of  their  implements  and 
weapons ; and  the  suitability  of  their  clothes — all  are  different.1 

According  to  this  statement  the  natural  environment 
shapes  the  man.  First,  it  fixes  the  physical  capacities  of  the 
people;  second,  it  fosters  their  temperaments;  third,  it  pro- 
duces different  customs;  fourth,  it  establishes  different  eco- 
nomic conditions,  either  in  production  or  in  consumption. 
The  teaching  is,  further,  that  these  differences  should  not 
be  disturbed  by  government — a laisses-faire  policy,  in  so 
far ; and  there  is  a recognition  that  in  these  differences  is 
the  basis  of  international  trade.2 

For  the  influence  of  the  natural  environment  upon  the 
people  there  is  a general  principle  given  by  Ching  Chiang, 
a widow  of  the  noble  family  of  Lu.  She  says : 

Anciently,  when  the  sage  kings  settled  the  people,  they  selected 
the  poor  land  for  the  settlement  of  them,  and  made  them  work 
hard  for  the  employment.  Hence,  they  ruled  the  empire  for 
a long  time.  For  if  the  people  are  working  hard,  they  will 
think.  If  they  think,  their  good  thoughts  arise.  If  they  are 
living  in  an  easy  way,  they  will  be  licentious.  If  they  are 
licentious,  they  forget  what  is  good.  If  they  forget  what  is 
good,  their  bad  thoughts  arise.  Therefore,  the  people  of  the 
rich  land  have  no  strong  character,  because  they  are  licen- 
tious ; and  those  of  the  poor  land  all  direct  their  mind  to 
righteousness,  because  they  are  working  hard.3 

Then  she  describes  the  different  businesses  of  the  two  sexes 
of  different  classes,  from  the  emperor  to  the  common  people. 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  p.  228.  2 Cf.  infra,  p.  450. 

3 Narratives  of  Nations,  bk.  v. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


349 

When  Confucius  has  heard  her  words,  he  tells  his  pupils  to 
record  them. 

The  principle  given  by  Ching  Chiang  is  a mixture  of  eco- 
nomics and  ethics.  We  now  come  to  the  pure  economic 
principle.  In  the  “ Biography  of  Merchants,’’  Ssu-ma 
Chien  gives  a commercial  geography.  He  describes  the 
geographical  situations  of  the  great  cities,  their  natural  re- 
sources, their  population,  their  history,  their  prominent  occu- 
pations. their  customs,  etc.  We  cannot  enter  into  all  the 
details,  but  we  may  condense  his  conclusion.  According  to 
him,  in  Southern  China  land  was  plenty,  the  population  was 
sparse,  the  soil  was  rich,  and  food  was  abundant  without 
the  fear  of  famine.  On  this  account  the  people  were  lazy, 
short-sighted,  and  had  no  saving.  Therefore,  there  was 
none  who  suffered  from  hunger,  but  there  was  no  family 
which  possessed  a thousand  dollars.  In  Northern  China 
the  land  was  scarce,  the  population  was  dense,  the  soil  was 
good  for  agriculture,  but  the  people  often  suffered  from 
flood  and  drought.  Hence,  they  had  a desire  for  saving. 
Therefore,  they  were  diligent  in  different  industries,  such 
as  agriculture,  animal-breeding,  silk-worm,  commerce  and 
speculation,  in  different  localities.  Such  a difference  be- 
tween Southern  and  Northern  China  was  true  only  in  an- 
cient times;  it  has  gradually  disappeared  since  the  end  of 
the  Han  dynasty  (about  735  A.  K.  or  184  A.  D. ).  But 
the  theory  of  Ssu-ma  Chien  is  held  true  by  the  general  mind. 
His  theory  is  like  that  of  Ching  Chiang  ; both  are  based  on 
the  idea  that  the  people  are  spoiled  if  they  make  their  living 
too  easily.  The  only  difference  is  that  Ching  Chiang  looks 
at  it  from  both  economic  and  ethical  points  of  view,  while 
Ssu-ma  Chien  regards  it  from  the  economic  viewpoint  only. 
Indeed,  natural  environment  has  a great  influence  in  deter- 
mining the  economic  conditions  and  the  characters  of  men. 
It  is  only  when  the  human  power  grows  greater  that  the 
natural  power  diminishes. 


350  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


II.  LAND 

I.  Limited  in  Quantity 

Since  the  land  is  the  chief  representative  of  the  natural 
things  which  help  production,  we  may  consider  it  separ- 
ately. When  we  study  the  land  question,  the  first  thing  that 
confronts  us  is  that  land  is  limited  in  quantity.  The  “ Royal 
Regulations  ” says  : 

A space  one  mile  square  contains  fields  amounting  to  900 
acres.  Ten  miles  square  is  equal  to  100  spaces  one  mile 
square,  and  contains  90,000  acres.  A hundred  miles  square  is 
equal  to  100  spaces  ten  miles  square,  and  contains  9,000,000 
acres.  A thousand  miles  square  is  equal  to  100  spaces  one 
hundred  miles  square,  and  contains  900,000,000  acres.  . . . All 
within  the  four  seas,  taking  the  length  with  the  breadth,  makes 
up  a space  3,000  miles  square,  and  contains  8,100,000,000  acres. 
A space  100  miles  square  contains  ground  to  the  amount  of 

9.000. 000  acres.  Hills  and  mounds,  forests  and  thickets, 
rivers  and  marshes,  ditches  and  canals,  city  walls  and  suburbs, 
houses,  roads,  and  lanes  take  up  one-third  of  it,  leaving 

6.000. 000  acres.1 


2.  Various  in  Quality 

The  second  thing  that  confronts  us  is  that  land  is  various 
in  quality.  This  is  most  clearly  set  forth  in  the  “ Tribute 
of  Yii.”  After  Yii  repressed  the  great  floods,  he  divided 
the  Chinese  Empire  into  nine  provinces,  and  classified  the 
land  into  nine  gradations.  For  convenience  of  review  we 
may  reduce  the  statements  2 to  the  form  of  a table : 

1 Li  Ki,  bk.  iii,  pp.  244-6. 

1 Classics,  vol.  iii,  pt.  i,  pp.  94-125. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


351 


Grades  of 
Land 

Names  of 
Provinces 

Present  Provinces 

Color  and  Nature 
of  Soil 

First 

Yung  Chow 

Shensi  and  Kansu 

Yellow  and  mellow 

Second 

Sii  Chow 

Shantung,  Kiangsu 
and  Anhui 

Red,  clayey  and 
rich 

Third 

Ts'ing  Chow 

Shantung 

Whitish  and  rich, 
salt 

Fourth 

Yii  Chow 

Honan 

Mellow,  rich,  dark 
and  thin 

Fifth 

Ki  Chow 

Chihli  and  Shansi 

Whitish  and  mellow 

Sixth 

Yen  Chow 

Chihli  and  Shantung 

Blackish  and  rich 

Seventh 

Liang  Chow 

Szechuan  and  Shensi 

Greenish  and  light 

Eighth 

King  Chow 

Hunan  and  Hupei 

Miry 

Ninth 

Yang  Chow 

Kiangsu,  Anhui, 
Kiangsi,  and  Che- 
kiang 

Miry 

This  table  shows  the  differences,  in  color  and  nature,  of  the 
soil  with  general  reference  to  the  whole  province,  and  classi- 
fies the  land  into  nine  grades.  Such  a classification  is  very 
general  and  rough  indeed,  but  it  indicates  that  the  compara- 
tive study  of  the  quality  of  land  had  begun  at  a very  early 
time. 

The  Official  System  of  Chou  also  classifies  the  land  into 
nine  grades,  but  it  differs  from  the  “ Tribute  of  Yii.” 
While  the  latter  judges  the  land  collectively  from  the  gen- 
eral view  of  the  whole  province,  it  judges  the  land  specifi- 
cally from  the  quality  of  the  land  itself.  According  to  the 
Official  System  of  Chou / the  quality  of  land  is  measured 
by  its  power  of  supporting  population.  It  gives  expressly 
only  the  middle  class  of  land,  by  saying  that  a prescribed 
amount  (one  hundred  acres)  of  the  superior  land  can  sup- 
port a family  of  seven  persons;  of  the  ordinary  land,  one 
of  six  persons;  and  the  same  amount  of  the  inferior  land, 
one  of  five  persons.  These  are  the  three  kinds  of  land  in 
the  middle  class.  Such  a statement,  according  to  the  com- 


1 Ch.  xi. 


352 


THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 


mentary  of  Cheng  Hsuan,  implies  that  there  are  nine  gra- 
dations of  land,  and  that  only  the  middle  class  is  given  as 
an  example.  In  the  highest  class,  the  land  can  support 
either  eight,  or  nine,  or  ten  persons.  In  the  lowest  class,  it 
can  support  either  two,  or  three,  or  four  persons.  In  the 
grand  division,  land  is  divided  into  three  classes,  and  in  its 
subdivision,  it  is  divided  into  nine  grades.  Such  a grada- 
tion is  determined  by  the  number  of  people  which  the  land 
can  support. 

3.  Different  in  Location 

Difference  in  lands  are  due  not  only  to  their  qualities,  but 
also  to  their  locations.  According  to  the  Confucian  theory, 
the  capital  city  of  a state  should  be  in  its  center.  Taking 
the  city  as  the  central  point,  the  land  of  the  whole  state  is 
divided  up  into  five  zones.  Outside  of  the  city,  it  is  called 
“suburb;”  outside  of  the  suburb,  “country:”  outside  of 
the  country,  “forest;”  outside  of  the  forest,  “frontier.”1 
These  five  names  are  merely  geographical  divisions  for  the 
indication  of  the  difference  of  location.  The  widths  of  all 
the  zones  are  equal,  and  they  vary  only  according  to  the 
extent  of  the  whole  state.  In  fact,  the  difference  of  loca- 
tion is  measured  from  the  central  city.  In  a simple  way, 
there  are  only  three  divisions,  namely,  the  city,  the  suburb, 
and  the  country,  which  includes  the  forest  and  frontier. 

4.  Form  of  Field 

For  the  division  of  the  land  we  must  study  the  system  of 
tsing  tien.  This  system  is  so  important  that  we  discuss  it 
separately  in  another  chapter.  What  we  consider  here  is 
only  the  form  of  tsing  tien. 

In  ancient  China  the  land  was  divided  up  into  the  form 
of  tsing.  Tsing  means  well,  which  written  in  Chinese  is 


The  Oldest  Chinese  Dictionary  (Erh  Va),  ch.  ix. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


3o3 


_j !_•  Since  the  shape  of  the  field  was  like  the  word  i i , 

II  t__  i I 

it  was  called  tsing  tien.  Tien  ( ) means  field.  One 

tsing  contained  nine  squares  of  land;  each  square  was  of 
one  hundred  acres  and  was  called  one  fu ; the  total  amount 
of  a tsing  was  nine  hundred  acres.  This  system  began  with 
the  reign  of  Huang  Ti;  it  was  universally  established  by 
Yii.  and  it  was  completed  in  details  by  the  Duke  of  Chou. 

In  one  square  of  land  the  one  hundred  acres  contained 
ten  thousand  paces.  According  to  the  ancient  measures, 
six  feet  was  one  pace,  and  one  hundred  paces  was  one  acre. 
Therefore,  one  acre  was  six  feet  wide  and  six  hundred  feet 
long.  Hence,  the  Canon  of  Poetry  says,  “ The  grain  is  well 
cultivated  all  over  the  long  acres.”  1 Between  two  acres 
there  was  a small  ditch.  If  there  were  one  hundred  acres, 
there  were  one  hundred  small  ditches.  The  acre  was  higher, 
and  the  ditch  was  lower.  Since  one  ploughshare  was  five 
inches  wide,  and  two  men  using  two  ploughshares  were 
called  a pair,  the  cultivation  of  a pair  was  a foot  wide  and 
deep,  and  this  was  the  form  of  a small  ditch.  In  cultivation, 
the  farmer  first  used  the  plough  to  turn  over  the  grass,  and 
then  formed  lines,  such  as  the  acres  and  ditches.  This  was 
the  plan  of  one  square  of  land,  and  the  small  ditch  was  the 
basis  of  the  measure  of  all  the  water-channels. 

For  the  system  of  tsing  tien  the  water-channels  were  very 
important,  because  they  determined  the  boundaries  of  the 
field  and  carried  off  the  water  of  floods.  Such  a system  of 
water-channels  was  originated  by  Yu.  After  he  had  fixed 
the  natural  waterway  he  devoted  his  attention  to  the  arti- 
ficial waterway  along  the  fields. 

In  the  Chou  dynasty  the  tsing  tien  system  was  at  its  height, 
and  the  water-channels  were  complete.  According  to  the 


1 Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  378. 


354  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

“ Record  of  Industry,”  1 the  bureau  of  civil  engineering  is 
in  charge  of  water-channels,  and  it  gives  the  following 
standard  measures  for  the  making  of  different  waterways : 
Within  the  fit,  a field  of  one  hundred  acres,  the  small  ditch 
running  between  two  acres  is  one  foot  wide  and  deep. 
Hence,  one  fu  has  one  hundred  small  ditches.  Along  the 
head-line  of  the  field,  the  large  ditch  running  outside  of  the 
fu  is  two  feet  wide  and  deep.  Hence,  three  fu  have  only 
one  large  ditch  in  common.  Outside  of  the  tsing  which 
contains  nine  fu,  the  ditch  is  four  feet  wide  and  deep. 
Hence,  ten  tsing  have  only  one  such  ditch  in  common.  Ten 
miles  scjuare  make  one  ch'eng,  which  contains  one  hundred 
tsing,  and  outside  of  the  ch'eng  the  larger  ditch  is  eight  feet 
wide  and  deep.  Hence,  ten  ch'eng  have  only  one  larger 
ditch.  One  hundred  miles  square  make  one  tung,  which 
contains  ten  thousand  tsing,  and  outside  of  the  tung  the 
largest  ditch  is  sixteen  feet  wide  and  deep.  The  length  of 
the  largest  ditch  is  uncertain,  and  its  water  flows  to  the  nat- 
ural stream  directly.  In  a tung,  the  tsing  ticn  system  is 
complete,  and  it  has  five  grades  of  water-channels : ( i ) the 
one-foot  ditch,  (2)  the  two-foot  ditch,  (3)  the  four-foot 
ditch,  (4)  the  eight-foot  ditch,  and  (5)  the  sixteen-foot 
ditch.  This  is  the  general  rule,  but  it  must  be  modified 
according  to  the  geographical  situation. 

Along  all  the  water-channels,  except  the  one-foot  ditch, 
there  were  different  roads.  Along  the  two-foot  ditch  the 
road  was  large  enough  for  the  ox  and  horse;  along  the 
four-foot  ditch  it  was  large  enough  for  the  wagon;  along 
the  eight-foot  ditch,  for  one  chariot;  along  the  sixteen-foot 
ditch,  for  two  chariots;  and  along  the  natural  stream  or 
artificial  canal,  for  three  chariots.2  These  waterways  and 
roads  were  the  general  rules  for  the  formation  of  tsing  ticn. 

1 It  was  a separate  book  written  during  the  Chou  dynasty.  But  it  is 
now  contained  in  the  end  of  the  Official  System  of  Chou,  ch.  xlii. 

2 Official  System  of  Chou,  ch.  xv. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


355 


According  to  the  Canon  of  Poetry,  there  were  two  kinds 
of  acres : one  kind  was  called  “ southern  acres,”  and  the 
other  “ eastern  acres.”  In  the  southern  acres,  the  acres  and 
the  small  ditches  all  ran  east  and  west,  and  in  the  eastern 
acres  they  all  ran  north  and  south.  Because  looking  from 
the  north  the  southern  acres  were  arranged  in  the  south, 
they  were  called  southern  acres.  Because  looking  from  the 
west  the  eastern  acres  were  arranged  in  the  east,  they  were 
called  eastern,  acres.  The  acres  were  southern  or  eastern  in 
accordance  with  the  river.  Since  the  Chinese  rivers  mostly 
run  from  the  west  to  the  east,  the  greater  part  of  the  land 
became  eastern  acres.  For,  if  the  river  was  in  the  latitu- 
dinal line,  the  largest  ditch  should  be  in  the  longitudinal 
line;  then  the  next  smaller  ditch  was  latitudinal  and  the 
four-foot  ditch  longitudinal;  then  the  two-foot  ditch  was 
latitudinal  and  the  smallest  ditch  longitudinal ; hence,  the 
acres  were  arranged  in  the  east.  The  southern  acres  were 
arranged  vice  versa.  The  Chinese  rivers  sometimes  run 
either  toward  the  south  or  toward  the  north,  so  there  were 
also  the  southern  acres.  Both  the  southern  and  the  eastern 
acres  were  according  to  the  natural  situation  of  the  land. 

III.  CAPITAL 

i.  Capital  and  Wealth 

The  word  capital  in  Chinese  is  pen.  Its  original  sense 
means  the  root  of  a tree ; hence,  it  means  the  principal  part 
or  the  basis  of  anything.  The  word  pen  used  in  the  sense 
of  capital  first  appears  in  Kuan  Tzu,  and  it  has  been  popu- 
larly used  to  the  present  day.  But  the  word  used  in  this 
sense  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Confucius.  In- 
stead, he  uses  the  word  tzu.  The  Canon  of  Poetry  says : 
“Ruin  and  disorder  are  destroying  the  tzu  [the  capital], 
and  do  not  show  any  kindness  to  our  multitudes.”  1 The 

1 Cf.  Classics,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  502.  See  also  ibid.,  p.  520. 


356  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

Park  of  Narratives  says  that  this  sentence  expresses  grief 
that  disorder  is  caused  by  luxury  and  extravagance,  with- 
out saving.1  Chen  Huan  says  that  the  “ accumulated 
wealth  ” is  called  tzu.2  Therefore,  the  word  tzu  in  Chinese 
is  exactly  the  word  capital  in  English.  In  the  Canon  of 
Changes  there  is  a book  on  “ Traveling,”  which  refers 
especially  to  the  traveling  merchant,  although  it  includes 
travelers  generally.  It  describes  the  good  condition  of  a 
traveling  merchant  as  follows : “ The  traveler  occupies  the 
proper  place,  carries  with  him  his  tzu,  and  secures  the 
trusty  servants.”  3 This  statement  includes  the  three  factors 
of  production ; the  word  tzu  means  capital,  while  the  proper 
place  and  the  trusty  servants  refer  to  land  and  labor  re- 
spectively. Indeed,  the  word  tzu  is  used  by  Confucius  as 
capital,  because  tzu  means  accumulation  or  storage.  Hence, 
the  Chinese  combine  the  word  tzu  either  with  the  word  tsai 
(wealth),  or  with  the  word  pen , for  the  term  capital.  The 
Japanese  adopt  the  latter  expression. 

The  word  wealth  in  the  Chinese  language  is  sometimes 
the  same  as  the  word  capital.  Such  a case  has  been  already 
shown  in  the  “ Great  Learning.”  4 Sometimes  the  word 
wealth  combining  with  the  word  commodity  forms  the  term 
capital.  For  instance,  Mencius  says : “ The  fields  and  wilds 
not  being  developed,  and  the  commodities  and  wealth  not 
being  accumulated,  these  are  not  the  chief  danger  of  a 
state.”  5 The  two  words  “ commodities  and  wealth  ” 
stand  as  the  English  word  capital,  while  “ fields  and  wilds  ” 
stand  for  land.  This  is  the  style  of  Chinese  expression. 

Since  the  word  wealth  is  sometimes  identified  with  the 

1 Bk.  vii. 

2 In  his  Explanation  of  Mao’s  Commentary  of  the  Canon  of  Poetry, 

published  in  2398  (1847  A.  D.). 

s Yi  King,  p.  188. 

5 Classics,  vol.  ii,  p.  291. 


4 See  supra,  p.  293. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


357 


word  capital,  we  may  find  out  what  is  meant  by  wealth. 
Hsii  Shen’s  Dictionary 1 says:  “Wealth  is  what  man  re- 
gards as  valuable.”  Cheng  Hsiian  says  that  wealth  includes 
all  money  and  grain.  Money  and  grain,  as  we  shall  see, 
are  the  chief  representatives  of  capital  goods ; hence,  Cheng 
Hsuan  takes  them  for  the  explanation  of  the  word  wealth. 
Even  in  the  present  day  the  Chinese  still  use  the  two  words 
“ money  and  grain  ” to  cover  the  whole  economic  field. 
Although  they  are  not  so  dignified  as  the  term  “ food  and 
commodities,”  they  are  synonyms.  But  the  best  definition 
of  the  word  wealth  is  given  by  Hsiang  An-shih  (died  in 
1759  A.  K.  or  1208  A.  D.).  He  says:  “ The  word  wealth 
is  the  collective  name  of  all  the  things  in  which  the  people 
find  their  utilities.”  In  short,  wealth  is  the  general  term 
covering  all  production  and  consumption  goods,  while  cap- 
ital is  the  particular  term  covering  only  production  goods 
and  those  consumption  goods  which  are  used  for  productive 
purposes.  Hence,  the  Chinese  use  such  terms  as  “ funds,” 
“ principal  money,”  “ accumulated  wealth  ” and  “ mother 
wealth  ” for  the  word  capital. 

To  understand  the  meaning  of  wealth  we  may  look  at  the 
problem  from  the  standpoint  of  different  classes.  Accord- 
ing to  the  “ Details  of  Rites,”  each  class  has  special  repre- 
sentatives of  its  wealth. 

When  one  asks  about  the  wealth  of  the  ruler  of  a state,  the 
reply  should  be  given  by  telling  the  extent  of  his  territory, 
and  the  productions  of  its  hills  and  lakes.  To  a question  about 
the  wealth  of  the  great  official,  it  should  be  said : “ He  has  the 
lands  allotted  to  him,  and  is  supported  by  the  taxes  of  his 
people.  He  needs  not  to  borrow  vessels  or  dresses  for  his 
sacrificial  occasions.”  To  a question  about  the  wealth  of  the 

1 It  was  begun  in  651,  and  presented  to  the  emperor  in  672  (100-121 
A.  D.). 


358  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

student,  the  reply  should  be  by  giving  the  number  of  his  car- 
riages ; and  to  one  about  the  wealth  of  a common  man,  by 
telling  the  number  of  the  animals  that  he  keeps.1 

According  to  this  passage,  the  wealth  of  any  class  is  a 
collective  name  for  all  material  things.  It  does  not  confine 
the  term  wealth  to  any  particular  thing.  If  the  people 
understand  this,  they  never  make  the  mistake  of  thinking 
that  money  is  the  only  wealth,  because  it  does  not  mention 
money  at  all.  Indeed,  wealth  includes  both  production  and 
consumption  goods. 


2.  Grain  as  Capital 

While  grain  is  a consumption  good,  the  Confucians  re- 
gard it  also  as  a very  important  capital  good ; hence,  there 
is  the  principle  of  accumulating  grain.  The  “ Royal  Reg- 
ulations ” says : 

If  in  a state  there  is  not  an  accumulation  of  saving  sufficient 
for  nine  years,  its  condition  is  called  one  of  insufficiency ; if 
there  is  not  enough  for  six  years,  one  of  urgency.  If  there  is 
not  a saving  sufficient  for  three  years,  the  state  cannot  con- 
tinue. The  husbandry  of  three  years  is  held  to  give  an  over- 
plus of  food  sufficient  for  one  year ; that  of  nine  years,  an 
overplus  sufficient  for  three  years.  Going  through  thirty  years 
in  this  way,  though  there  might  .be  bad  years,  drought  and  in- 
undations, the  people  would  have  no  lack,  nor  be  reduced  to 
eating  merely  vegetables.2 

In  short,  every  family  must  save  grain  at  such  a rate  that 
every  three  years  should  yield  a surplus  sufficient  for  one 
year.  This  is  the  general  rule  of  saving,  and  grain  is  only 
the  example,  as  it  was  the  most  important  thing  in  ancient 
times. 


1 Li  Ki,  bk.  i,  pp.  115-6. 


2 Ibid.,  bk.  iii,  p.  222. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


359 


According  to  the  “ Royal  Regulations,”  a state  as  a 
whole  must  have  an  accumulation  sufficient  for  at  least 
nine  years.  But  the  accumulation  is  of  nothing  but  food. 
Therefore,  food  is  not  only  a consumption  good  for  the 
present,  but  also  a capital  good  for  the  future.  Since  food 
is  not  a permanent  article,  it  needs  a successive  renewal 
for  the  change  of  the  old.  But  it  serves  as  a capital  good 
just  the  same.  In  fact,  in  ancient  China  grain  was  the 
chief  among  all  the  capital  goods,  since  land  was  in  a sep- 
arate category;  and  the  accumulation  of  grain  was  a na- 
tional surplus. 

In  the  Han  dynasty  the  theory  of  accumulating  grain 
was  put  into  full  effect.  The  chief  representatives  of  this 
theory  were  Chia  Yi  and  Chao  Tso.  Chia  Yi  pointed  out 
to  his  emperor  that  if  wealth  is  produced  in  limited  amounts 
but  is  consumed  without  any  limit,  the  capital  must  in  time 
be  exhausted.  Now,  the  people  run  away  from  agriculture 
and  turn  to  industry  and  commerce.  Hence,  the  con- 
sumers are  very  many,  and  luxurious  habits  spread  day 
after  day.  These  two  facts  are  the  great  injury  and  the 
great  destroyer  of  the  empire.  Those  who  produce  wealth 
are  few,  but  those  who  waste  it  are  many : how  can 
the  wealth  and  property  of  the  empire  fail  to  fall  short? 
Indeed,  on  accumulating  and  storing  up  for  the  future  the 
fate  of  the  empire  depends.  If  grain  is  plenty  and  wealth 
is  superabundant,  what  can  we  not  accomplish  ? In  an 
attack,  we  can  take  what  we  want;  in  a defense,  we  can 
have  a safeguard ; in  a battle,  we  can  win  the  victory.  In 
calling  the  enemy  and  absorbing  the  foreigners,  who  will 
not  come  at  our  invitation?  Now,  if  we  drive  our  people 
back  to  the  farm  for  the  attachment  to  primary  industry, 
we  shall  make  every  one  of  the  empire  eat  the  produce  of 
his  own  labor,  and  the  people  of  little  skill  and  the  journey- 
men turn  to  the  fields.  Then  the  storage  and  accumula- 


360  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

tion  will  be  sufficient  and  the  people  will  enjoy  their  life. 
This  policy  is  for  the  wealth  and  safety  of  the  empire. 
Han  Wen  Ti  was  influenced  by  the  words  of  Chia  Yi,  and 
he  opened  “ the  borrowing-  field  ” for  his  personal  cultivation 
in  order  to  set  a good  example  to  his  people  (374  A.  K. 
or  178  B.  C.). 

In  384  (168  B.  C. ) Chao  Tso  also  said  to  Han  Wen  Ti 
that,  when  the  sage  kings  were  in  the  government,  their 
people  did  not  suffer  from  cold  and  hunger.  This  came 
about,  not  because  they  could  feed  and  clothe  them  by  their 
own  cultivation  and  weaving,  but  because  they  opened  the 
sources  of  capital  for  them.  Therefore,  although  Yao  and 
Yu  had  the  flood  of  nine  years,  and  T'ang  had  the  drought 
of  seven  years,  the  empire  did  not  suffer  from  famine  or 
pestilence.  This  was  because  saving  and  accumulation 
were  abundant  and  preparation  was  completed  beforehand. 
Therefore,  the  wise  ruler  encourages  the  people  to  take  up 
agricultural  occupation,  lightens  their  taxes,  and  extends 
the  accumulations  for  the  filling  of  granaries  and  the  prep- 
aration against  flood  and  drought.  The  immediate  policy 
of  Chao  Tso  was  to  call  upon  the  people  for  the  sending 
of  grain  to  the  granaries  in  the  northern  boundary,  where 
the  Chinese  guarded  against  the  Huns.  The  people  should 
receive  titles  from  the  government,  and  the  gradation  of 
the  title  should  be  according  to  the  amount  of  grain  which 
they  sent.  After  Han  Wen  Ti  had  put  his  policy  into 
effect,  he  proposed  again  to  order  the  people  to  send  their 
grain  inland,  and  Wen  Ti  followed  his  advice  again. 
Therefore,  during  the  reigns  of  Wen  Ti  and  Ching  Ti  (373- 
41 1,  or  1 79-141  B.  C.)  China  was  very  rich,  both  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  people.1  It  was  the  contribution  of  Chia 
Yi  and  Chao  Tso,  and  their  theory  was  drawn  from  Con- 
fucius. 


1 History  of  Han,  ch.  xxiv. 


NATURE  AND  CAPITAL 


361 


3.  Saving 

Since  capital  is  the  result  of  saving,  we  now  come  to  the 
principle  of  saving.  Confucius  speaks  of  saving,  not  only 
for  the  private  family,  but  also  for  the  state.  In  ruling  a 
state  of  a thousand  chariots,  one  of  the  five  things  is  saving 
in  expenditure.1  In  the  Canon  of  Changes  there  is  a book 
called  “ Chieh ,”  which  means  abstinence,  control,  restraint, 
economy,  saving,  etc.  It  includes  three  phases — law,  ethics 
and  economics.  In  the  beginning  of  this  book  it  is  stated 
that  abstinence  is  the  basis  of  progress  and  attainment.  But 
the  reader  is  reminded  that  if  the  abstinence  is  very  severe 
and  difficult,  it  cannot  be  right.2  This  shows  that  the 
principle  of  saving  in  the  teaching  of  Confucius  is  not  cruel 
parsimony  but  reasonable  abstinence. 

The  chief  point  of  this  book  is  this : “ Basing  on  the 
principle  of  abstinence  for  the  making  of  regulations,  it  will 
not  injure  the  wealth,  nor  hurt  the  people.”  3 This  is  an 
abstract  economic  principle.  It  refers  to  either  public  or 
private  economy.  As  soon  as  wealth  is  injured  people  are 
hurt,  even  in  the  case  of  a private  person.  Therefore,  if 
you  wish  not  to  injure  the  wealth,  there  must  be  some  sort 
of  regulations,  such  as  financial  legislation  in  a government, 
or  as  control  of  expenditure  in  a private  person,  according 
to  the  principle  of  abstinence.  Hence,  abstinence  is  the 
basis  for  the  preservation  of  wealth  and  the  benefit  of  the 
people. 

When  Confucius  speaks  of  the  filial  piety  of  the  feudal 
princes,  he  says : “ Making  the  saving,  and  carefully  observ- 
ant of  the  regulations,  they  are  full  without  overflowing. 
. . . To  be  full  without  overflowing  is  the  way  long  to 
preserve  riches.”  4 Again,  when  he  speaks  of  the  filial  piety 


1 See  supra,  p.  79. 
5 Ibid.,  p.  262. 


2 Yi  King,  p.  197. 

4 Sacred  Books,  vol.  iii,  p.  468. 


362  THE  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES  OF  CONFUCIUS 

of  the  common  people,  he  mentions  saving  in  expenditure.1 
Therefore,  every  class,  from  the  emperor  to  the  common 
people,  must  observe  the  principle  of  saving. 

The  importance  oi  saving  is  thus  told  by  Hsun  Tzu: 

In  the  living  of  a man,  he  keeps  fowls,  dogs  and  pigs, 
and  he  keeps  also  oxen  and  sheep ; but  in  his  eating,  he  does 
not  dare  to  have  wine  and  meat.  He  has  plenty  of  money  and 
stores  of  grain,  but  in  his  dressing  he  does  not  dare  to  have 
silk.  He  has  the  deposit  of  the  most  valuable  things,  but  in 
his  going  he  does  not  dare  to  have  carriage  and  horse.  What 
is  the  reason?  It  is  not  because  he  does  not  want  them,  but 
because  he  has  a long  thought  and  cares  for  the  future,  lest 
nothing  will  succeed  hereafter.  Therefore,  he  saves  expen- 
diture, controls  wants,  and  accumulates  wealth  for  the  succes- 
sion. How  good  it  is  that  he  has  a long  thought  and  cares  for 
the  future  in  regard  to  himself ! The  short-sighted  people 
who  are  careless  for  their  living  do  not  know  even  this.  They 
consume  food  extravagantly,  and  do  not  care  for  the  future. 
Then  they  exhaust  quickly  all  the  means.  This  is  the  reason 
they  cannot  escape  from  cold  and  hunger,  and  become  beggars 
or  victims  dying  in  the  ditches.2 

Indeed,  the  opening  of  the  sources  of  income  and  the  saving 
of  expenditure  are  the  only  ways  for  the  increase  of  wealth. 
They  are  both  familiar  to  all  the  Chinese,  but  the  latter 
only  is  the  way  of  increasing  capital. 


1 See  supra,  p.  157. 


2 Bk.  iv. 


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The  English  Craft  Guilds  and  the  Government. 

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VOLUME  XXIV,  1905.  521  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.00. 

1.  The  Place  of  Magic  In  the  Intellectual  History  of  Europe. 

By  Lynn  Thorndike,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.00. 

3.  The  Ecclesiastical  Edicts  of  the  Theodosian  Code. 

By  William  K.  Boyd,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.00. 

3.  * The  International  Position  of  Japan  as  a Great  Power. 

By  Seiji  G.  Hishida,  Ph.D.  Price,  $2.00. 

VOLUME  XXV,  1906-07.  600  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

1.  * Municipal  Control  of  Public  Utilities.  By  Oscar  Lewis  Pond,  Ph.D.  Price,$i.oo. 


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3.  The  Budget  in  the  American  Commonwealths. 

By  Eugene  E.  Agger,  Ph.D. 

3.  The  Finances  of  Cleveland.  By  Charles  C.  Williamson,  Ph.D. 

VOLUME  XXVI,  1907.  559  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.00. 

1.  Trade  and  Currency  in  Early  Oregon.  By  James  H.  Gilbert,  Ph.D. 

3.  Luther’s  Table  Talk.  By  Preserved  Smith,  Ph.D. 

3.  The  Tobacco  Industry  in  the  United  States. 

By  Mbybr  Jacobstein,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

4.  Social  Democracy  and  Population.  By  Alvan  A.  Tenney,  Ph.D.  Price,  75  cents. 

VOLUME  XXVII,  1907.  578  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.00. 

1.  The  Economic  Policy  of  Robert  Walpole.  By  Norris  A.  Brisco,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 
3.  The  United  States  Steel  Corporation.  By  Abraham  Berglund,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

3.  The  Taxation  of  Corporations  in  Massachusetts. 

By  Harry  G.  Friedman,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

VOLUME  XXVIII,  1907.  564  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.00. 

1.  DeWitt  Clinton  and  the  Origin  of  the  Spoils  System  in  New  York. 

By  Howard  Lee  McBain,  Ph.  D.  Price,  $1.50. 

3.  The  Development  of  the  Legislature  of  Colonial  Virginia. 

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VOLUME  XXIX,  1908.  703  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

1.  Early  New  England  Towns.  By  Anne  Eush  MacLbar,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

2.  New  Hampsliire  as  a Royal  Province.  By  William  H Fry,  Ph.D.  Price,  $3.00. 

VOLUME  XXX,  1908.  712  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50;  paper  covers,  $4.00. 

The  Province  of  New  Jersey,  1664—1738.  By  Edwin  P.  Tannbr,  Ph.D. 

VOLUME  XXXI,  1908.  575  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.00. 

1.  Private  Freight  Cars  and  American  Railroads. 

By  L.  D.  H.  Weld,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

3.  Ohio  before  1850.  By  Robert  E.  Chaddock,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

3.  Consanguineous  Marriages  in  the  American  Population. 

By  George  B.  Louis  Arner,  Ph.D.  Price,  75  cents. 

4.  Adolphe  Quetelet  as  Statistician.  By  Frank  H.  Hankins,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.35. 

VOLUME  XXXII,  1908.  705  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50;  paper  covers,  $4.00. 

The  Enforcement  of  the  Statutes  of  Laborers.  By  Brrtha  Haven  Putnam,  Ph.D. 

VOLUME  XXXIII,  1908-1909.  635  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

I.  Factory  Legislation  in  Maine.  By  E.  Stagg  Whitin,  A.B.  Price,  $i.oo. 

3.  * Psychological  Interpretations  of  Society, 

By  Michael  M.  Davis,  Jr.,  Ph.D.  Price,  $2.00. 
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VOLUME  XXXIV,  1909.  628  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

1.  [89]  Transportation  and  Industrial  Development  In  the  Middle  West. 

By  William  F.  Gbphart,  Ph.D.  Price,  $2.00. 
[90]  Social  Reform  and  the  Reformation. 

By  Jacob  Salwyn  Schapiro,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1  25. 
8.  [91]  Responsibility  for  Crime.  By  Philip  A.  Parsons,  Ph  D.  Price,  $1.50. 

VOLUME  XXXV,  1909.  568  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

1.  [92]  The  Conflict  over  the  Judicial  Powers  In  the  United  States  to  1870. 

By  Charles  Grove  Haines,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 
8.  [93]  A Study  of  the  Population  of  Manhattanvllle. 

By  Howard  Brown  Woolston,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.25. 
3.  [94]  ’Divorce:  A Study  in  Social  Causation. 

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VOLUME  XXXVI,  1910.  542  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.00. 

1.  [95]  ’Reconstruction  in  Texas.  By  Charlbs  William  Ramsdbll,  Ph.D  Price  $2.50 

2.  [961  * The  Transition  in  Virginia  from  Colony  to  Commonwealth. 

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VOLUME  XXXVII,  1910.  606  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

1.  [97]  Standards  of  Reasonableness  in  Local  Freight  Discriminations. 

By  John  Maurice  Clark,  Ph.D.  Price,  J1.25. 

2.  [98]  Legal  Development  In  Colonial  Massachusetts. 

By  Charles  J.  Hilkey,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.25. 

3.  [99]  ’Social  and  Mental  Traits  of  the  Negro. 

By  Howard  W.  Odum,  Ph.D.  Price,  $2.00. 

VOLUME  XXXVIII,  1910.  463  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $3.50. 

1.  [lOO]  The  Public  Domain  and  Democracy. 

By  Robbrt  Tudor  Hill,  Ph.D.  Price,  $2.00. 

2.  [IOI]  Organismlc  Theories  of  the  State. 

By  Francis  W.  Coker,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50. 

VOLUME  XXXIX,  1910-1911.  651pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4  50. 

1.  [102]  The  Making  of  the  Balkan  States. 

By  William  Smith  Murray,  Ph.D.  Price,  $1.50 

2.  [103]  Political  History  of  New  York  State  during  the  Period  of  the  Civil 

War.  By  Sidney  David  Brummer,  Ph  D.  Price,  3.00. 

VOLUME  XL,  1911.  633  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4. 50. 

1.  [104]  A Survey  of  Constitutional  Development  in  China. 

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2.  [ 105]  Ohio  Politics  during  the  Civil  War  Period. 

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3.  [106]  The  Territorial  Basis  of  Government  under  the  State  Constitutions. 

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VOLUME  XLI,  1911.  514  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $3.50;  paper  covers,  $3.00. 

[107J  New  Jersey  as  a Royal  Province.  By  Edgar  Jacob  Fisher,  Ph  D 

VOLUME  XLII,  1911.  400  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $3.00;  paper  covers,  $2.50. 

[108]  Attitude  of  American  Courts  In  Labor  Cases. 

By  Georgs  Gorham  Groat,  Ph.D. 

VOLUME  XLIII,  1911.  633  pp.  Price,  cloth,  $4.50. 

1.  [109]  ’Industrial  Causes  of  Congestion  of  Population  in  New  York  City. 

By  Edward  Ewing  Pratt,  Ph.D.  Price,  $2.00. 
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[l  11]  The  British  Consuls  in  the  Confederacy. 

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VOLUMES  XLIV  and  XLV,  1911.  745  pp. 

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[112  and  1 13]  The  Economic  Principles  of  Confucius  and  his  School. 

By  Chen  Huan-Chang,  Ph.D. 

VOLUME  XL VI,  1911-1912. 

1.  [114]  The  Ricardian  Socialists.  By  Esther  Lowenthal,  Ph.D.  Price,  gr  oo. 

8.  [1 15]  Ibrahim  Paslia,  Grand  Vizier  of  Suleiman,  the  Magnificent. 

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3.  [116]  The  Labor  Movement  In  France.  A Study  of  French  Syndicalism. 

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DATE  DUE 

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